Transporting Stone and Metal in Ancient Egypt

A number of variations of the Old Kingdom titles "Master of the Roads" and "Official of the Masters of the  Roads"  have  been  found  both  in  the  Memphite necropolis  and  in  the  mining areas of the Wadi Hammamat and Wadi Abbad (in the Eastern Desert), suggesting that the coordination and maintenance of land routes  through the desert was a high priority for the Egyptian administration.  Many  archaeological  traces  of  specially  constructed  roads  have  been  found in the areas surrounding mines, quarries, and major structures.
Drawing of the transportion scene of the colossu
Drawing of the transportion scene of the colossu
In the case of mineral resources exploited regularly for long periods,  considerable amounts of time and energy were spent on the building of  roads,  the  nature  of  each  route  being  determined  primarily  by  such  factors as the bulk and quantities of the minerals, the nature of the topography, and the materials locally available for road-building. Thus the  Old Kingdom quarries at Hatnub are linked with the Nile Valley by a drystone  causeway  extending  for  some  17  kilometers  (11  miles),  two  small  stretches  of  which  are  built  up  to  a  height  of  several  meters,  to  allow  stone  blocks  to  be  dragged  across  deep  wadis.  A paved  road  employing  slabs  of  sandstone  and  fossil  (petrified)  wood  conects  the  Gebel  Qatrani basalt quarries with  the  site  of  Qasr  el-Sagha  at  the  northern end of  the Faiyum region, covering a distance of  about  10  kilometers  (6  miles).

The longest known Egyptian quarry road is an 80-kilometer (50-mile)  route in Lower Nubia, linking the diorite-gabbro and anorthosite gneiss  quarries of the Old and Middle Kingdoms, near Gebel el-Asr, with the  closest Nile embarkation  point  (at  the  former  Tushka,  now  because  of  the  new  Aswan  High  Dam,  covered  by  Lake  Nasser).  In  the  1930s,  Reginald  Engelbach  undertook  a  detailed  examination  of  the  ancient  road, which was not a built structure (like the roads to Hatnub and Gebel  Qatrani) but instead appears to have been simply a cleared track through  the desert, with occasional scatters of stone or pottery.  An  important  indication  of  the  degree  to  which  ancient  Egyptians  planned  and  organized  their  quarrying  and  mining  expeditions  has  survived in the form of the Turin Mining Papyrus. This document—the  earliest surviving Egyptian map—is an annotated record of an expedition  to the mines and quarries of the Wadi Hammamat in the Eastern Desert  in the mid-twelfth century BCE. The area depicted in the map has been  identified with the archaeological site at Bir Umm Fawakhir, where there  are still extensive remains of a Byzantine gold-mining settlement.

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People of Ancient Egypt

Tracking the movements and establishing the identity of  peoples in the archaeological and historical records is a difficult and often ambiguous project. Physical  anthropology  is  the  best  source of identification, but the early misuse of the "race concept"  created  overly  simplistic  definitions  driven  more  by colonialism  and  racism  than  by  science.  Modern  studies  based  on  population  genetics are much more complex and yield more ambiguous results.  Historical  linguistic  evidence,  especially  names,  is  also  used to establish group identities where historical records exist, as is often the case in Egypt and the surrounding  regions.  Archaeological data  have  been used  to  reconstruct the  identity of  ethnic groups in two ways; by characterizing artifact assemblages  as culture areas, without necessarily establishing that they belong to  a historically known group; and by matching groups identified in  texts with an artifact assemblage. Unlike physical anthropology and  linguistics, archaeological evidence is abundant and relatively easy  to  analyze,  but  all  studies  of  this  kind  rest  on  the  important  assumption that a given artifact assemblage does in fact represent a  cultural identity, rather than a sphere of cultural influence or culture  contact—and this may or may not be true. Radical diffusionists in  the  late  nineteenth  and  early  twentieth  centuries  favored  massive  movements of peoples as the engine of cultural change. Thus W.  M.  Flinders  Petrie's  "Dynastic Race"  concept  linked  cultural  achievement  with  racial  identity  in  the  origins  of  pharaonic  civilization.  These  models  have,  unfortunately,  been  revived  by  some  Afro-centric  scholars,  who  otherwise  rightly  emphasize  Egypt's  African origins.  Diffusion  and  population  movements  did  exist  in  the  past,  but  they  must  be  carefully  demonstrated.  For  example,  the  identity  of  Uruk  colonies  (c.3500  BCE)  in  southern  Anatolia  was  established  by  using  a  combination  of  architecture,  material  culture,  and  textual  evidence.  In  a  similar  way,  a  combination of archaeology, text, and art history has documented  an  Egyptian  colonial  presence  and  the  diffusion  (and  subsequent  adaptation)  of  certain  aspects  of  Egyptian  iconography,  ideology,  and institutions in Nubia and in Syria-Palestine.

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Quartzite in Ancient Egypt

Quartzite, the hardest and toughest stone normally encountered in  nature  (7  on  Mohs  Scale  of  Hardness).  The Egyptian variety  is  a  sedimentary stone, correctly termed an "orthoquartzite" (to distinguish it  from  the  metamorphic  quartzites).  Quartzite  is  composed  of  quartz  (a  crystalline form of silica) grains solidly cemented with chemical silica— so  the  cement  and  the  grains  are  of  the  same  material.  Silica  cement  interlocks  the  grains  and  fills  in  the  pore  spaces,  making  a  dense,  compact stone of great strength.

Egyptian  quartzite  quarries  are  located  at  Gebel  Ahmar  near  Cairo,  at  Gebel Gulab, and at Gebel Tingar near Aswan (within  the  Oligocene  Gebel  Ahmar  Formation).  Other  sites  occur  within  silicified  Upper Cretaceous  Nubia  Group  sandstones  (the  Umm  Barmil  Formation).  Egyptian quartzite  is  usually  white,  with  reddish, yellow, and orange varieties, the colors being produced by iron  oxides. It was often used for sarcophagi, statues, and portcullis stones.  Quartzite behaves much like large quartz masses (also 7 on Mohs Scale  of  Hardness)  and  can  be  worked  with  little  concern  for  breakage  or  cleavage—but it was not ordinarily used as an architectural stone. None- theless,  some  examples  include  pillars  in  Pepy  Us  pyramid  court  at  Saqqara; the burial chamber of Amenemhat III (1844-1797) at Hawara; the Tuthmosis III (1504-1450) Chapelle Rouge blocks at Luxor; and included here for their immense  size, the so-called Colossi of Memnon at Luxor. These colossal statues  were sculpted from single quartzite blocks of 21.3 meters (64 feet). Since  quartzite  occurs  mainly  in  Lower  Egypt,  the  transport  of  such  large  stones upriver must have been a serious consideration.

For sculpture, quartzite takes a fine polish and the colors can be used  for  pleasing  effects.  Examples  include  the  head  of  Nefertiti and  the  wonderful  figures  of King Amenhotep III (1382-1344). Betsy Bryan  (Kozloff  and  Bryan  1992) states that quartzite was chosen as "an indicator of the solar devo- tion, for red, yellow, and gold tones were considered the sun colors."  Quartzite  was  far  harder  than  the  metal  tools  (copper,  bronze)  available, so it must have been worked with tools fabricated from other  forms  of  quartz—chert  (flint)—as  well  as  quartz  fragments.  The  final  finishing  would  have  been  done  by  polishing  with  rubbing  blocks  and  quartz sand. This extreme hardness may have made quartzite a "status"  stone for statuary.  Quartzite was known to ancient Egyptians as nmti, nmtt, biJyt, biyt,  inr-n-dw, mr-n-bnwt, mr-nfr-n -biyt-'yt, inr-n-rwdt nt-dw-dsr, and mr-n- bnwt.

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Quarrying Tools in Ancient Egypt

The types of tools used for the quarrying of  soft  stones  (Mohs  1-5)  during  pharaonic times  has  not  been  definitively  determined.  Judging  from  the  marks  preserved  on  quarry walls, some type of axe or pointed pick was probably used  in  the Old and Middle Kingdoms, whereas  a  pointed  chisel  hammered  with  mallet  was  evidently  employed  from  the  New Kingdom onward. The wide grooves on the surfaces of a few stone  blocks suggest that a very large stone chisel may sometimes have  been used. Some Egyptologists have argued that most of the tool  marks  were  made  by  soft  copper  chisels  in  the  Old  and  Middle  Kingdoms  and  harder  copper  or  bronze  chisels  from  the  New  Kingdom  onward  (with  characteristic  patterns  possibly  deriving  from specific chronological phases); others have pointed out that  harder  alloys  would  already  have  been  available  during  the  Old  Kingdom. Those chisels that have survived at ancient construction  sites  usually  have  a  broad,  flat  cutting  edge  rather  than  a  point.  Chert and flint (Mohs 7) tools were also used for stoneworkine.

As far as the extraction of such hard stones as granite (Mohs 6-7) is  concerned, it was once assumed—because of the many surviving groups  of  rectangular  wedge  holes  at  Aswan—that  the  rock  was  removed  by  inserting wet wooden wedges into holes and levering the blocks away  from the bedrock. It has been pointed out, however, that even wooden  wedges soaked in water would generally not have been strong enough to  break the granite, and that no wedge holes have yet been securely dated  to pharaonic times. Iron wedges could have been used to extract hard  stones from the Ptolemaic period onward. Various experimental studies  and analyses of the quarries at Aswan suggest that the actual process of  extraction  in  pharaonic  times  involved  the  excavation  of  opencast  quarries,  by  means  of  hammerstones,  gradually  removing  the  desired  stone from the surface downward. In the quartzite quarry at Gebel Gulab  (on  the  western  bank  at  Aswan),  a  broken  obelisk  inscribed  with  the  name of the nineteenth dynasty ruler Sety I survives  in  situ  near  the  quarry face from which it was extracted. The nearby quarry face shows  definite traces of the use of stone pounders. Pounder marks have also  been found at Qau el-Kebir, in a limestone quarry of unusually dense  and hard rock (limestone may be soft [Mohs 3], medium [Mohs 4], or  dense and hard [Mohs 5]). Further evidence for the extraction of stone  by pounding has survived in the form of a set of marks in the siltstone  quarry  of  the  Wadi Hammamat, which  may  well  date  to  pharaonic  times.

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Origins of the Egyptians in Northeastern Africa

In spite of  the  evidence  against  scientific  race,  both Egyptologists and  Afrocentric  scholars  often  continue  attempts  to  define  the  Egyptians  as  members  of  an  essentialist  racial  category,  usually  attempting to link them either to a supposed  "Caucasoid"  or  "Negroid/Africoid"  phenotype.  Such  models  imply  that  the  founders  of  pharaonic  Egypt  came  from  sub-Saharan  Africa,  western  Asia,  or  Europe/Trans-caucasus.  While there was some immigration from all these areas, physical  anthropology  has  demonstrated  the  fundamental  continuity  of  ancient  and  modern Egyptian populations.  The  evidence  also  points  to  linkages  to  other  northeastern  African  peoples,  not  coincidentally  approximating  the  modern  range  of  languages  closely  related  to  Egyptian  in  the  Afro-Asiatic  group  (formerly  called Hamito-Semitic). These linguistic similarities place ancient  Egyptian  in a  close  relationship  with  languages  spoken  today  in  northeastern  Africa  as  far  west  as  Chad  and  south  to  Somalia.  Archaeological evidence also strongly supports an African origin.  A widespread northeastern African cultural assemblage, including  distinctive  multiple  barbed  harpoons  and  pottery  decorated  with  dotted wavy line patterns, appears during the early Neolithic (also  known  as  the  Aqualithic,  a  reference  to  the  mild  climate  of  the  Sahara at this time). Saharan and Sudanese rock art from this time  resembles  early  Egyptian  iconography.  Strong  connections  between  Nubian  (Sudanese)  and  Egyptian  material  culture  continue in the later Neolithic Badarian culture of Upper Egypt.  Similarities  include  black-topped  wares,  vessels  with  characteristic  ripple-burnished  surfaces,  a  special  tulip-shaped  vessel  with  incised  and  white-filled  decoration,  palettes,  and  harpoons, The presence of formative pharaonic symbolism in the  Lower  Nubian  A-Group  royal  burials  at  Qustui  has  led  Bruce  Williams to posit a common Egyptian-Nubian pharaonic heritage,  although  this  notion  has  been  much  disputed.  Other  ancient  Egyptian  practices  show  strong  similarities  to  modern  African  cultures, including divine kingship, the use of headrests, body art,  circumcision,  and  male  coming-of-age  rituals,  all  suggesting  an  African substratum or foundation for Egyptian civilization (rather  than  diffusion  from  sub-Saharan  Africa,  as  claimed  by  some  Afrocentric scholars).

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Quarries and Mines in Ancient Egypt

Rock temples of Ramses II and Merenptah cuted directly in the rocks at the Silsileh quarring site, near Aswan
Rock temples of Ramses II
and Merenptah cuted directly
in the rocks at the Silsileh
quarring site, near Aswan
The quanying  of  stone  in the Nile Valley began at least as early as 40,000 years ago, when the Middle  Palaeolithic  inhabitants  of  Middle  Egypt  were  quarrying  and  working  cobbles  of  chert  along  the  limestone  ten-aces  on  either  side of the Nile. The earliest Palaeolithic chert quarries consisted of  pits  and  trenches  for  surface  extraction,  but  there  are  Upper  Palaeolithic quarries at Nazlet Khater 4, on the western bank of the  Nile,  midway  between  Asyut  and  Sohag,  which  include  vertical  shafts  and  subterranean  galleries  (providing  a  foretaste  of  the  quarrying methods of pharaonic times). The excavations at^Nazlet  Khater 4 yielded many large hammerstones, used for the roughest  stages of quarrying, as well as several of the picks used for finer  work,  which  were  carved  from  the  horns  of  the  gazelle  and  hartebeest.

Egyptian exploitation of the minerals in the cliffs and deserts on  either side of the Nile Valley, and in the Sinai Peninsula, can be  traced back to prehistoric times, with some of the earliest known  items  of  jewelry  made  from Eastern Desert carnelian  and  sard.  Copper slag is known from the vicinity of the Predynastic mines at  Bir Nasib in southern Sinai, and turquoise miners were likely exploiting the nearby region of Serabit el-Khadim in the Chalcolithic  period.  The  prehistoric  workings  were  relatively  small  in  scale  compared  with  the  massive  royal  expeditions  that  were  sent  to  Sinai  and  Nubia  during  the  first  two  dynasties.  Some  of  the  inscriptions and graffiti associated with the mining and processing  sites  provide  information  on  the  dates  of the expeditions,  lists  of  various  types  of  workmen,  and—in  rarer  instances—detailed  narrative accounts of specific expeditions.

Limestone quarries in the Nile Valley
Limestone quarries in the Nile Valley

By James A. Harrell 1  and Per
Storemyr in Ancient Egyptian
quarries – an illustrated
overview
A great  deal  of  archaeological  and  textual  information  has  survived  concerning  mining  expeditions  in  pursuit  of  building  stone,  copper,  gold,  turquoise,  malachite,  and  a  variety  of  other  gemstones. Copper mining and smelting sites included Wadi Dara,  Buhen, and Qubban, while numerous pharaonic gold-mining sites  in the Eastern Desert of both Egypt and Nubia have been identified  and surveyed during the 1980s and 1990s. Turquoise was mined at  Wadi  Mughara  and  Serabit  el-Khadim,  amethyst  at  Wadi  el- Hudi and Gebel el-Asr (the so-called Khephren diorite quarries),  galena at Gebel el-Zeit, and natron at the Wadi Natrun. The rough  limestone for the interiors of pyramid complexes and mastabas in  the Memphite necropolis was obtained from local quarries, while  the much finer material for the outer casing of pyramids was quar- ried at Tura and Ma'sara on the opposite side of the Nile. Most of  the sandstone for the temples at Thebes and other Upper Egyptian  towns  was  obtained  from  the  Gebel  es-Silsila  quarries,  midway  between Luxor and Aswan.

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Race of the Ancient Egyptians

The  race  and  origins  of the ancient Egyptians have been  a  source  of  considerable  debate.  Scholars  in  the  late  and  early  twentieth  centuries  rejected  any  consideration  of  the  Egyptians as  black  Africans  by  defining  the  Egyptians either as non-African (i.e., either Near Eastern or Indo- Aryan), or as members of a separate brown (as opposed to black)  race,  or  as  a  mixture  of  lighter-skinned  peoples  with  black  Africans.  In  the  latter  half  of  the  twentieth  century,  Afrocentric  scholars  have  countered  this  Eurocentric  and  often  racist  perspective by characterizing the Egyptians as black and African.  A common feature of all of these approaches, including the last, is  the connection of race to cultural achievement. At the same time,  however,  modem  physical  anthropologists  have  increasingly  challenged  the  entire  notion  of  race,  replacing  it  with  the  more  complex and scientifically based population genetics.

The origins of the modern conception of race derive from the  work of nineteenth-century anthropologists like L. H. Morgan and  E.  B.  Tyior,  who  developed  "scientific"  unilinear  evolutionary  models for the development of human beings from "savagery" to  "civilization." This model  profoundly  influenced  early Egyptological views  of  race.  Racial  groups were ranked by evolutionary categories linked to supposed intellectual  capacities  based  on  elaborate  cranial  measurements,  allegedly  providing  causal  links among  phenotypic  traits,  mental  capacity,  and  sociopolitical  dominance.  This  methodology,  not coincidentally, reinforced the existing Euro-American domination  of Third World peoples with the claim of scientifically "objective"  methodologies  based  on  race  and  evolution.  Thus,  the  great  achievements of ancient Egypt could not flow from black Africans,  since theirs was an inferior race;

so the "Dynastic Race" must have been white, or at least brown.

As early as 1897, Franz Boas challenged this racial ideology, in  particular the argument for connections among language, culture,  and  biology  (i.e.,  race).  Boas  demonstrated  that  supposedly  distinctive core racial indicators could change quickly in response  to  clothing  styles,  nutrition,  and  cultural  and  environmental  factors. Ashley Montague, a student of Boas, played a key role in  developing  and  disseminating  this  concept;  he  argued  in  Man's  Most  Dangerous  Myth:  The  Fallacy  of  Race  (New  York,  1942)  that  the  old  paradigm  of  static  races  should  be  replaced  by  dynamic  populations  with  overlapping  characteristics.  Far  from  being  absolute,  genetic  traits  are  distributed  in  dines,  or  continuously varying distributions of traits inconsistent with racial  categories.  Modern  physical  anthropology  has  demonstrated  that  94 percent of human variation is found within human populations,  rather  than  between  the  major  populations  traditionally  labeled  races.  Biological  characteristics  affected  by  natural  selection,  migration, or drift are distributed in geographic gradations. These  encompass  all  the  features  used  to  define  racial  physical  "phenotypes," including facial form, hair texture, blood type, and  epidermal  melanin  (the  chemical  determining  darkness  of  skin).  These physical features cross alleged racial boundaries as if they  were  nonexistent,  leading  to  the  inevitable  conclusion  that  there  are  no  biological  races,  just  dines.  Physical  anthropologists  are  increasingly  concluding  that  racial  definitions  are  the  culturally  defined product of selective perception and should be replaced in  biological  terms  by  the  study  of  populations  and  dines.  Consequently,  any  characterization  of  the  race  of  the  ancient  Egyptians  depends  on  modern  cultural  definitions,  not  scientific  study.  Thus,  by  modern  American  standards  it  is  reasonable  to  characterize  the  Egyptians  as  "black,"  while  acknowledging  the  scientific evidence for the physical diversity of Africans.

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Qurna

Village of Qurna
Village of Qurna
Qurna or Kurna, the  main  private  cemetery  in  the  center  of  the  Theban  necropolis (25°44'N, 32°36'E). The name is an abbreviated version  of the toponym Ilwet el-Sheikh Abd el-Quma ("the hill of Sheikh  Abd el-Quma") that refers to a sheikh of the modern village, which  still  covers  an  unknown  number  of  tombs  on  the  hill.  The  term  Quma seems to be a derivation of el-Qurn ("the peak"), which may  refer  to  the  mountain  that  is  482  meters  (1,450  feet)  above  sea  level,  overlooking  the  Theban  necropolis.  In  older  terminology,  Quma  referred  to  the  area  in  the  north-western  pan  of  the  necropolis, around and including the mortuary temple of Sety I (the  Temple of Quma), which is now occasionally called "Old Qurna,"  as opposed to Quma ("the hill") or New Quma (the modern village  designed and built by the Egyptian architect Hassan Fathy, some 3  kilometers [2 miles] east of the necropolis and close to the Fadiya  Canal).

Quma is the central part of the New Kingdom private necropolis  in  Thebes.  It  consists  of  the  hill  proper  and  the  plain  east  of  it,  which is defined as the area southwest of Khokha (El-Khokha) and north of the  mortuary temple of Ramesses II (Ramesseum). In the hillside  and the plain, there are far more than 150 decorated tombs, more  than half of which date to the eighteenth dynasty. Of the remaining  tombs, between twenty and thirty date to the eleventh and early  twelfth  dynasties,  with  the  rest  dating  to  the  Ramessid  (nineteenth and twentieth dynasties) or to the Saite period (twenty- sixth dynasty). Many of the tombs of Qurna were known to early  travelers, and selected tomb-wall scenes and inscriptions had been  copied by members of the Napoleonic expedition (1798-1799).

Today,  exact  figures  or  statistical  analyses  of  the  spatial  and  chronological distribution of the tombs in Quma are still difficult to  determine,  since  the  majority  of  them  have  not  been  investigated  thoroughly.  In  addition,  since  their  original  construction  and  decoration,  many  tombs  had  been  extensively  remodeled,  redecorated,  or otherwise  reused.  Yet  the  immense  importance  of  the  tombs in Qurna is  based  on  the  large  number  that  still  have  substantial parts of their original decoration (painting on plaster, or  relief,  or  both)  well  preserved.  The  decoration  has  provided  abundant information both on aspects of daily life and on religious  ceremonies,  allowing  for  detailed  studies  of  the  development  of  style  and  iconography.  The  tomb  inscriptions  have  shed  light  on  theological conceptions, social stratigraphy, administration, and the  family relationships of those buried in the tombs.

Studies  have  revealed  that,  contrary  to  previous  conclusions,  there  are  patterns  by  which  the  site  for  a  tomb  was  chosen,  the  manner in which it was decorated, and the way that the burials were  equipped. At times, especially during the eighteenth dynasty, certain  areas were used for the construction of tombs  by members of  the  same  social  class.  Sometimes  elements  of  decoration  and/  or  the  textual program of one tomb were slightly remodeled and used in  another. Generally speaking, the private tombs in Quma belong to  the  elite  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty.  Among  the  tomb  owners  are  viziers  (the  highest  nonroyal  position  in  the  administration),  high  priests of Amun and other  high-ranking  members  of  the  clergy,  overseers  of  the  granaries  of  the  Two  Lands,  mayors  of  Thebes,  high-ranking  military  officers,  and  royal  stewards.  The  Quma  hill  has  yielded  some  of  the  best-known  private  tombs  of  Western  Thebes and thus of ancient Egypt.

The tomb of the vizier under Thutmose III, Rekhmire (tomb 100  in Western Thebes), is halfway up the hill. It is considered to be the  best example of the T-shaped tomb type and is the most completely  decorated extant tomb of the eighteenth dynasty. It also shows the  general  distribution  of  the  wall  scenes  and  texts  of  the  time  most  clearly:

the broad hall (corresponding to the horizontal stroke of a T) mainly  contains  the  daily  life  scenes,  which  depict  various  activities  in  which the vizier was involved during his lifetime. The scenes and  texts of the passage, or transverse hall, are mainly devoted to topics  of  the  netherworld,  oriented  toward  representations  of  gods  and  goddesses, which are depicted on the western end of the hall.

The  subterranean  burial  chamber  of  the  tomb  of  Sen-nefer  (a  mayor of Thebes during the time of Amenhotpe II; tomb 96) is well  known for its unique ceiling decoration, of vine leaves. The tombs  of Nakht (tomb TT 52) and Menna (tomb 69) were built for middle- class  officials  under  the  reign  of  Thutmose  IV  and  are  vivid  examples of smaller tombs with painted decoration.  Another vizier and mayor of Thebes at the end of the eighteenth  dynasty.  Ramose  (tomb  55),  had  his  tomb  built  in  the  plain  of  Quma during the reigns of Amenhotpe III and Amenhotpe IV. His  tomb  contains  one  of  the  finest  examples  of  wall  decoration,  in  raised  relief,  in  New  Kingdom  times.  It  also  shows  the  drastic  change  of  style  that  took  place  after  Amenhotpe  IV  changed  his  name to Ak-henaton and moved to his new city at Amama. Some  of the walls in Ramose's tomb were decorated in the new, Amama  style.

Today,  the  Quma  hill  remains  one  of  the  primary  targets  of  Egyptological  investigation.  Since  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century,  numerous  projects  were  dedicated  to  the  excavation,  recording, and documentation of the tombs of Quma. To a certain  extent, the history of archaeological and epigraphic research in the  tombs  of  Quma  parallels  the  history  of  Egyptology;  and  every  major  Egyptological  institution  has,  one  way  or  another,  con- tributed to their investigation. This part of the Theban necropolis is  still far from being thoroughly investigated, however. Almost every  year, new tombs have been discovered and long-known tombs have  been reinvesti gated under the new, scientific-scholarly approach.
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·        Paradise in Ancient Egyptians Culture
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Asiatics

A group of people labelled Asiatics
A group of people labelled Asiatics
Evidence of contact with the Near East goes back to the Predynastic period. Although some scholars  favoring  diffusionist  models  have  argued  for  a  massive  influx  through the Nile Delta or the Wadi Hammamat via the Red Sea,  the  consensus  today  is  for  increasing  contact  and  interaction  focused  on  the  Nile  Delta  and  the  Sinai.  There  is  ample  textual  evidence  in  the  form  of  names  for  the  presence  of  Syrian- Palestinians in Egypt's public institutions and private houses. For example,  the  Middle Kingdom Brooklyn  Papyrus  lists  seventy- seven  servants  of  the  lady  Senebtisi,  forty-eight  of  whom  have  Near  Eastern  names.  Other  texts  show  that  new  generations  of  families  like  these  received  Egyptian  names,  gradually  assimilating into Egyptian society. Several stelae from  this  period  depict  servants  labeled  as  Near  Easterners, but with Egyptian names, dress, and hairstyles. Some  may  have  come  to  Egypt  as  captives  from  military  campaigns,  although there was considerable movement of peoples going both  ways for trade and diplomacy.

Egypt  gradually  became  more  engaged  with  Near  Eastern  peoples  during  the  later  Middle Kingdom,  through  the  establishment of a major point of immigration at Tell ed-Dab'a in  the eastern Nile Delta. This site has all the hallmarks of a trade  diaspora, an expatriate settlement serving as an interface between  the two trading partners. Excavations document a gradual increase  in the numbers and influence of Syrian-Palestinians at Dab'a over  the course of the thirteenth dynasty. By the late thirteenth dynasty,  Middle  Bronze  Age  pottery  makes  up  40  percent  of  the  assemblage,  "warrior"  tombs  with  typical  weaponry  and  associated  equid  burials  appear  with  great  frequency,  and  monumental  temples  in  the  standard  Middle  Bronze  Age  layout  rival  those  of  sites  in  Syria-Palestine.  A  complex  settlement  hierarchy developed in Palestine during this period, anchored by  major trade "gateways" at Tell ed-Dab'a in the south and Hazor in  the  north.  At  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  dynasty,  Tell  ed-Dab'a  became the capital of the Syrian-Palestinian fifteenth dynasty, the  Hyksos, which established direct control over the northern half of  Egypt  and  forced  the  Upper  Egyptian  seventeenth dynasty  to  accept a role as a vassal state. The Hyksos only partly assimilated  to  Egyptian  culture,  although  it  is  likely  that  many  of  their  descendants remained in the Delta after Egypt's "expulsion" of the  early eighteenth dynasty, thereby becoming part of Egyptian New  Kingdom society.

Substantial  numbers  of  Near  Eastern  peoples,  mostly  Syrian- Palestinians  but  including  individuals  from  Mitanni  (Syria)  and  Hatti  (Anatolia),  were  captured  during  the  great  military  campaigns of the New Kingdom, which ranged as far as northern  Syria.  Others  came  as  tribute  from  vassal  states  controlled  by  Egypt  or  as  free  traders,  craftsmen,  and  scribes.  Most  prisoners  were assigned to various royal and temple estates to provide labor  in the fields, although some were parceled out as rewards to val- orous warriors. Skilled Near Eastern craftsmen were employed in  Egyptian  workshops,  and  others  were  employed  as  servants  in  elite and royal households. Literate elites from the Near East were  often employed in the Egyptian bureaucracy, where their linguistic  skills  proved  valuable  to  the  conduct  of  international  trade  and  diplomacy;  the  ambitious  might  rise  to  high  positions.  The  Canaanite  Ben-ozen  became  chief  of  the  department  of  alimentation and beverage and chief royal herald under Ramesses II.  The  chief  draftsman  in  the  temple  of  Amun,  Pas-Ba'al,  was  possibly taken prisoner under Thutmose III, and his descendants  occupied his office for six generations. An individual  with  the  Canaanite  name  Aper-E]  became  vizier  under  King Amenhotep III (1382-1344), and Chancellor Bey became a virtual kingmaker at  the end of the nineteenth dynasty. Egyptians intermarried with Near  Easterners,  and  slaves  were  sometimes  adopted  into  Egyptian  families.  Although  most  Near  Easterners  assimilated  to  some  degree,  the  cultural  influence  was  not  unidirectional.  Levantine  mythical and literary motifs, loan words, and deities such as Ba'al,  Astarte,  and  Reshep  all  entered  into  the  Egyptian  cultural  sphere  during the New Kingdom.
Recent Pages:


·        Papyrus Westcar
·        Paradise in Ancient Egyptians Culture
·        Puntites
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Mediterranean Peoples

Archaeological,  historical,  and  artistic  evidence point to limited interactions among Egypt, Minoan Crete,  and  Mycenean  Greece  during  the  Bronze  Age.  Pottery  and  other  artifacts  from  the  Aegean  appear  in  Egypt  during  the  Middle and  New Kingdoms. Egyptian objects also appear in the Aegean during  this period. Minoan-style architectural frescoes from the beginning  of the eighteenth dynasty at Tell ed-Dab'a in the Nile Delta suggest  the  presence  of  artisans  from  Crete  in  Egypt.  Scenes  of  Aegean  emissaries and traders, like those from the tomb of Rekhmire, vizier  under Thutmose III, provide further evidence of interaction in the New Kingdom. A fragmentary list of Aegean place names from the  mortuary temple of Amenhotpe III points to an Egyptian embassy  for Mycenean Greece. It is not likely, however, that many of these  Aegean peoples settled in Egypt.

The "Sea Peoples" is a term used to encompass the movements  of Mediterranean peoples by both sea and land at the end of the Late  Bronze  Age  (c.1200-1100  BCE).  The  disruptions  caused  by  this  massive  migration  through  the  Anatolian  Plateau  and  down  the  eastern Mediterranean coast brought down the great Hittite Empire  and such coastal Levantine trading centers as Ugarit. Some captive  groups  were  turned  into  mercenaries  in  the  Egyptian  army,  most  notably  the  fierce  Sherden,  who  became  elite  royal  bodyguards  under Ramesses II. The Harris Papyrus notes that captive Peleset,  Shardana, Weshesh, Den-yen, and Shekelesh were used as garrison  forces and mercenaries under Ramesses III. The exact origin of each  of  these  groups  is  a  matter  of  considerable  debate;  the  consensus  favors  the  Aegean  and  western  Anatolia  as  the  origin  of  most  of  them.  Some  soldiers  and  their  families  were  settled  in  coastal  Palestine,  where  they  are  identified  archaeologically  with  the  Philistines. Others settled in Egypt. Papyrus Wilbour, a tax roll of  farms in the Faiyum area, lists several Shardana as landholders.

Greeks and Carians began to be used as Egyptian mercenaries in  the  Late  period,  settling  at  sites  like  Naukratis  in  the  Nile  Delta.  Trade  with  the  Mediterranean  expanded  during  the  Saite  twenty- sixth dynasty, bringing other peoples from the Mediterranean shores  to  Egypt.  The  Persian  king  Cambyses  II  conquered  Egypt  in  525  BCE, but only small numbers of Persians actually came to Egypt, with most of the nation s bureaucracy remaining in Egyptian hands.  More  Greeks  came  into  Egypt  during  the  struggles  of  native  dynasts  against  Persian  rule,  and  with  the  conquest  of  Egypt  by  Alexander  of  Macedon  in  332  BCE.  These  immigrants  founded  several new cities in the Nile Delta, the most important being the  port  city  of  Alexandria.  Its  population  numbered  300,000  Greek  citizens  and  another  200,000  Egyptians,  living  in  crowded  man- sions  and  tenements.  The  Macedonian  elite  established  cities  modeled  on  the  Greek  concepts  of  polis  and  tribe,  with  strict  citizenship rules to keep out the "barbarian" Egyptian rabble. The  royal family, the Ptolemies, remained to the end very Macedonian;  Cleopatra VII was the first even to speak Egyptian. Temples with  priesthoods of Greek origin were set up syncretizing Egyptian and  Greek  deities:  like  Dionysus  with God Osiris,  Goddess Hathor  with  Aphrodite,  and Amun with Zeus.

Recent Pages:


·        Palaces in Ancient Egypt
·        Temple Palaces in Ancient Egypt
·        Palettes in Ancient Egypt
·        Papyrus Rylands IX
·        Papyrus in Ancient Egypt
·        Papyrus Westcar
·        Paradise in Ancient Egyptians Culture
·        Puntites

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Pygmies

Statue of the dwarf Seneb, his wife and children, 4th or 5th dynasty
Statue of the dwarf
Seneb, his wife and
children, 4th or
5th dynasty
A few references from the Old Kingdom ‎(2707-2170 BC)‎ seem to refer  to the people known today as Pygmies. Small numbers of Pygmies  were  brought  to  Egypt  as  sacred  dancers.  They  are  found  in  the  Pyramid Texts, involved in the frenetic mortuary dance. The safe  arrival of a dancing Pygmy is a matter of concern to young Pepy II  in a letter to the expedition leader Harkhuf, recorded in his tomb at Aswan. These references imply that Pygmies danced especially for  the king, just as the king dances before the god. If  necessary,  a  dwarf  could  substitute,  suggesting  that  Pygmies  were  a  great  rarity  and  never  present  in  large  numbers.  Today  Pygmies live in the rain forests of central Africa, although there is  considerable  debate  regarding  the  antiquity  of  their  occupation  there.

Recent Pages:



·        Palaces in Ancient Egypt
·        Temple Palaces in Ancient Egypt
·        Palettes in Ancient Egypt
·        Papyrus Rylands IX
·        Papyrus in Ancient Egypt
·        Papyrus Westcar
·        Paradise in Ancient Egyptians Culture
·        Puntites
Labels: ,
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