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| Map of the supposed location of Punt and trade routes from Egypt to Punt via rivers, wadis, and by sea |
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Showing posts with label gods. Show all posts
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Puntites
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Paradise in Ancient Egyptians Culture
In Western culture the word "paradise" usually refers to a location: first, the Garden of Eden, where the first human beings lived in perfect harmony with their maker and with the rest of his creation, then the abode of the blessed dead where this primeval harmony has been restored and where they live forever in bliss. Comparably well-defined and more or less permanent locations did not exist in ancient Egyptian religion. This does not mean, however, that the concept of an ideal world at the beginning of time did not exist. The opening lines of the Book of the Heavenly Cow describe it as follows: "Once upon a time it happened that Re, the god who created himself, arose after he had held the kingship and men and gods were still united. Then mankind began to plan a rebellion against Re, for His Majesty had become old." Other texts also allude to this primeval world, the "era of Re" (rk R') or the "era of the god" (rk ntr), and king lists often begin with a dynasty of gods, headed by either Re or Ptah, which comes before the dynasties of the human pharaohs. During this era gods and humans lived together in an undivided world, and it was humankind's fault that this harmonious situation came to an end. According to the version of the myth recorded in the Book of the Heavenly Cow, Re initially decided to annihilate all human beings, but after a great many of them had been killed, he eventually took pity on them; instead of continuing the massacre, he withdrew to the back of the Heavenly Cow and retired from his duties, leaving the day-to-day running of affairs to his deputy, the god Thoth. One of the earliest references to this myth is found in the Coffin Texts (Spell 1130), where the Lord of All says, "I made everyone equal to his fellow, and I told them not to do evil, but it was their hearts which disobeyed what I had said." In chapter 175 of the Book of Going Forth by Day, the creator god asks Thoth for advice after the Children of Nut—i.e., the first generation of humanity—have rebelled against him, and Thoth replies: "You should not witness evil, you should not suffer it. Let their years be shortened and their months be curtailed, for they have corrupted the hidden things in everything you have created." Human beings have destroyed the perfect order of creation; as a result, death comes into the world and "paradise" is lost.
A model of the original ideal world is found in the Egyptian temple with its perpetual cycle of rituals, the aim of which was the reigning maintenance of the perfect cosmic and social order (maat) established at creation. Only the reigning king, who was himself a god among men and a man among the gods and who was therefore able to act as the deputy of the gods on earth, had access to the inner temple; in everyday cultic practice, however, he was replaced by priests who acted on his behalf. Ordinary human beings had no access to the gods in the temple. Only after death were they reunited with the gods, whom they would then be able to worship directly, without a royal intermediary, as is shown by numerous representations on tomb walls and funerary objects, especially after the Amama period.
The abode of the dead can hardly be described as Paradise, however. The spell from the Book of Going Forth by Day (or Book of the Dead, BD) quoted above contains a dialogue between Osiris, the god of the dead with whom the deceased himself is identified, and Atum, the creator god: "0 my lord Atum, why is it that I have to travel to the district of silence, where there is no water and no air, which is so deep, so dark and so impenetrable?— You will live there in peace of mind.—But one cannot even have sex there!—I have given blessedness instead of water, air and sexual pleasure, and peace of mind instead of bread and beer, so says Atum." Clearly the idea of being trapped forever in the realm of the dead provoked mixed feelings in the Egyptians, and although at death everyone who successfully passed the final judgment became an Osiris, most funerary texts put emphasis on the identification of the deceased with the sun god, who is not restricted in his movements but enters the netherworld at night, only to be reborn and resurrected in the morning. The mummified body of the deceased rests in its tomb in the underworld, but his ba, represented as a bird with a human head, is able to move in and out of the tomb. The ba joins Re on his eternal journey along the sky and through the realm of the dead: at sunrise, when Re is reborn, the ba leaves the tomb, and at night, when Re travels through the underworld, where he temporarily unites with the body of Osiris, the ba returns to the mummified body in the tomb.
At first sight, the idea of a perpetual cycle would seem to be difficult to reconcile with the concept of a permanent locality such as Paradise. There is, however, a particular stretch of the daily journey of the sun god, and of the deceased with him, that has sometimes been called the Egyptian equivalent of the Greek Elysian Fields. Egyptian texts use two different names for this abode: the Field of Offerings (sht htpw), and the Field of Rushes (sht iyv). They are mentioned together as early as the Old Kingdom Pyramid Texts, and it remains unclear whether these names refer to two different locations or whether they are two names for one and the same place; obviously, they are closely related. Although they are occasionally said to be in the northern sky, most texts agree that they are situated in the east, at the place of sunrise: "the gate . . . from which Re goes out into the east of the sky" is "in the middle of the Field of Rushes" (BD 149). In chapters 109 and 110 of the Book of Going Forth by Day, which describe and even depict these fields, the Field of Rushes is called "the City of the God" (i.e., Re); it is inhabited by the "Eastern Souls" and by Re-Horakhty (the rising sun) and the Morning Star (visible only in the eastern sky). Despite the term "city" used here, the Field of Rushes is really an in- undated marshland divided by lakes and canals; according to the Pyramid Texts, the sun god purifies himself in the morning in the Lake of the Field of Rushes. In BD 109 and 149 it is described as follows: "Its walls are of iron, its barley stands 5 cubits high, with ears of 2 and stalks of 3 cubits, and its emmer stands 7 cubits high, with ears of 3 and stalks of 4 cubits; it is the blessed, each of them 9 cubits tall, who reap them alongside the Eastern Souls." This idealized farmland stands in stark contrast to the gloomy abode of Osiris, which is airless and without food, drink, and sexual pleasures, totally different from the picture that emerges from the opening lines of chapter 110: "Beginning of the spells of the Field of Offerings and the spells of going out into the day, entering and leaving the necropolis, attaining the Field of Rushes, dwelling in the Field of Offerings, the Great City, the Mistress of Air, being in control there, being a blessed one there, plowing and harvesting there, eating and drinking there, making love there, and doing everything that one was used to do on earth." In the vignette illustrating this chapter, the deceased, often accompanied by his wife, is shown paddling across the waterways of these fields in his boat and plowing, sowing, reaping, and threshing, often dressed in beautiful white linen garments which demonstrate that all of this hard labor should not be taken too literally: in actual fact, it is carried out by the deceased's substitutes, the ushabti statuettes which were an essential part of his or her funerary equipment.
The deceased spend only part of their lives after death in this place of abundance, however. When the sun goes down below the horizon and Re enters the underworld, they too return to their tombs. The next morning they will rise from the sleep of death again, bathe in the waters of the Field of Rushes, and provide for their daily sustenance there. The food offerings that they receive every day along with the daily rituals carried out by their relatives or their funerary priests, are the earthly equivalent of the products of the Field of Offerings and the Field of Rushes. One of the most common scenes in Egyptian tombs from all periods is that of the deceased seated at an offering table stacked with tall loaves of bread. From the sixth dynasty onward, these loaves are often replaced by the reed-leaves which in the hieroglyphic script spell the word sht ("field"), and in later texts and representations the offering tables are expressly labeled "the Fields of Offerings."
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A model of the original ideal world is found in the Egyptian temple with its perpetual cycle of rituals, the aim of which was the reigning maintenance of the perfect cosmic and social order (maat) established at creation. Only the reigning king, who was himself a god among men and a man among the gods and who was therefore able to act as the deputy of the gods on earth, had access to the inner temple; in everyday cultic practice, however, he was replaced by priests who acted on his behalf. Ordinary human beings had no access to the gods in the temple. Only after death were they reunited with the gods, whom they would then be able to worship directly, without a royal intermediary, as is shown by numerous representations on tomb walls and funerary objects, especially after the Amama period.
The abode of the dead can hardly be described as Paradise, however. The spell from the Book of Going Forth by Day (or Book of the Dead, BD) quoted above contains a dialogue between Osiris, the god of the dead with whom the deceased himself is identified, and Atum, the creator god: "0 my lord Atum, why is it that I have to travel to the district of silence, where there is no water and no air, which is so deep, so dark and so impenetrable?— You will live there in peace of mind.—But one cannot even have sex there!—I have given blessedness instead of water, air and sexual pleasure, and peace of mind instead of bread and beer, so says Atum." Clearly the idea of being trapped forever in the realm of the dead provoked mixed feelings in the Egyptians, and although at death everyone who successfully passed the final judgment became an Osiris, most funerary texts put emphasis on the identification of the deceased with the sun god, who is not restricted in his movements but enters the netherworld at night, only to be reborn and resurrected in the morning. The mummified body of the deceased rests in its tomb in the underworld, but his ba, represented as a bird with a human head, is able to move in and out of the tomb. The ba joins Re on his eternal journey along the sky and through the realm of the dead: at sunrise, when Re is reborn, the ba leaves the tomb, and at night, when Re travels through the underworld, where he temporarily unites with the body of Osiris, the ba returns to the mummified body in the tomb.
At first sight, the idea of a perpetual cycle would seem to be difficult to reconcile with the concept of a permanent locality such as Paradise. There is, however, a particular stretch of the daily journey of the sun god, and of the deceased with him, that has sometimes been called the Egyptian equivalent of the Greek Elysian Fields. Egyptian texts use two different names for this abode: the Field of Offerings (sht htpw), and the Field of Rushes (sht iyv). They are mentioned together as early as the Old Kingdom Pyramid Texts, and it remains unclear whether these names refer to two different locations or whether they are two names for one and the same place; obviously, they are closely related. Although they are occasionally said to be in the northern sky, most texts agree that they are situated in the east, at the place of sunrise: "the gate . . . from which Re goes out into the east of the sky" is "in the middle of the Field of Rushes" (BD 149). In chapters 109 and 110 of the Book of Going Forth by Day, which describe and even depict these fields, the Field of Rushes is called "the City of the God" (i.e., Re); it is inhabited by the "Eastern Souls" and by Re-Horakhty (the rising sun) and the Morning Star (visible only in the eastern sky). Despite the term "city" used here, the Field of Rushes is really an in- undated marshland divided by lakes and canals; according to the Pyramid Texts, the sun god purifies himself in the morning in the Lake of the Field of Rushes. In BD 109 and 149 it is described as follows: "Its walls are of iron, its barley stands 5 cubits high, with ears of 2 and stalks of 3 cubits, and its emmer stands 7 cubits high, with ears of 3 and stalks of 4 cubits; it is the blessed, each of them 9 cubits tall, who reap them alongside the Eastern Souls." This idealized farmland stands in stark contrast to the gloomy abode of Osiris, which is airless and without food, drink, and sexual pleasures, totally different from the picture that emerges from the opening lines of chapter 110: "Beginning of the spells of the Field of Offerings and the spells of going out into the day, entering and leaving the necropolis, attaining the Field of Rushes, dwelling in the Field of Offerings, the Great City, the Mistress of Air, being in control there, being a blessed one there, plowing and harvesting there, eating and drinking there, making love there, and doing everything that one was used to do on earth." In the vignette illustrating this chapter, the deceased, often accompanied by his wife, is shown paddling across the waterways of these fields in his boat and plowing, sowing, reaping, and threshing, often dressed in beautiful white linen garments which demonstrate that all of this hard labor should not be taken too literally: in actual fact, it is carried out by the deceased's substitutes, the ushabti statuettes which were an essential part of his or her funerary equipment.
The deceased spend only part of their lives after death in this place of abundance, however. When the sun goes down below the horizon and Re enters the underworld, they too return to their tombs. The next morning they will rise from the sleep of death again, bathe in the waters of the Field of Rushes, and provide for their daily sustenance there. The food offerings that they receive every day along with the daily rituals carried out by their relatives or their funerary priests, are the earthly equivalent of the products of the Field of Offerings and the Field of Rushes. One of the most common scenes in Egyptian tombs from all periods is that of the deceased seated at an offering table stacked with tall loaves of bread. From the sixth dynasty onward, these loaves are often replaced by the reed-leaves which in the hieroglyphic script spell the word sht ("field"), and in later texts and representations the offering tables are expressly labeled "the Fields of Offerings."
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Papyrus Westcar
The document known as Papyrus Westcar (P. Berlin 3033, named after its collector) preserves the only extant copy of the Tales of the Court of King Khufu. Its provenance is unknown; the manuscript is usually dated to the Second Intermediate Period on the basis of the Hieratic hand, but it may be slightly later. The date of composition is uncertain but is perhaps at the end of the Middle Kingdom. Twelve columns survive, of around twenty-six lines each, and there are probably at least two columns missing from the start. The extant text opens with a series of tales set in various Old Kingdom courts (Djoser, Nebka, Sneferu), which are being told to King Khufu by his sons. The first tale is lost apart from Khufu's response, but it was probably preceded by a narrative prologue in which the king requested entertainment to avoid boredom. Each of the tales involves a magical wonder performed by a lector-priest, such as the movement of a body of water.
Instead of a fourth tale, there is a narrative about wonders done in the presence of Khufu himself by a commoner called Djedi, in which Khufu's behavior is less than ideal. Khufu is seeking some esoteric information for use in his great pyramid, but he is told that access to this is possible only for the eldest of three children of the sun god, who will be born to a woman and who will succeed Khufu's dynasty. After this comes an account of the birth of the first three kings of the fifth dynasty. The end of the tale is lost; the manuscript breaks off in the middle of the episode recounting the events following the triplets' birth. The manuscript is incomplete, although the lost final portion may have been short.
The royal characters are historical (although the identity of one prince, Bauefre, is problematic). With one exception, the nonroyal characters are otherwise unknown and are presumably fictional: the actual mother of the first two fifth dynasty kings was Khentkawes, while in the Tales the mother is the wife of a priest, Rudjdjedet. The Tales rewrite history, but apparently in order to entertain rather than for propagandistic motives. The Tales are usually analyzed as prose, but they are probably loosely structured verse; the extant text comprises around 530 metrical lines. The language and style suggest a later date than that of other Middle Egyptian fictional narratives, such as the Story of Sinuhe, but the looser structure and the "lower," more frivolous tone may represent a contemporaneous tradition of narrative art that was more culturally peripheral, and that is otherwise attested only in small fragmentary papyri. Many elements of parody have been detected, including allusions to the royal birth-cycle of kings, rituals of the goddess Hathor, and royal commemorative inscriptions. Nevertheless, the Tales also include the themes of good as opposed to bad kings, and of true as opposed to false wonders, although the serious aspects of these are not fully developed. In many respects, the Tales can be seen as a forerunner of the Ramessid late Egyptian stories.
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| Westcar Papyrus on display in the Ägyptisches Museum - Berlin |
Instead of a fourth tale, there is a narrative about wonders done in the presence of Khufu himself by a commoner called Djedi, in which Khufu's behavior is less than ideal. Khufu is seeking some esoteric information for use in his great pyramid, but he is told that access to this is possible only for the eldest of three children of the sun god, who will be born to a woman and who will succeed Khufu's dynasty. After this comes an account of the birth of the first three kings of the fifth dynasty. The end of the tale is lost; the manuscript breaks off in the middle of the episode recounting the events following the triplets' birth. The manuscript is incomplete, although the lost final portion may have been short.
The royal characters are historical (although the identity of one prince, Bauefre, is problematic). With one exception, the nonroyal characters are otherwise unknown and are presumably fictional: the actual mother of the first two fifth dynasty kings was Khentkawes, while in the Tales the mother is the wife of a priest, Rudjdjedet. The Tales rewrite history, but apparently in order to entertain rather than for propagandistic motives. The Tales are usually analyzed as prose, but they are probably loosely structured verse; the extant text comprises around 530 metrical lines. The language and style suggest a later date than that of other Middle Egyptian fictional narratives, such as the Story of Sinuhe, but the looser structure and the "lower," more frivolous tone may represent a contemporaneous tradition of narrative art that was more culturally peripheral, and that is otherwise attested only in small fragmentary papyri. Many elements of parody have been detected, including allusions to the royal birth-cycle of kings, rituals of the goddess Hathor, and royal commemorative inscriptions. Nevertheless, the Tales also include the themes of good as opposed to bad kings, and of true as opposed to false wonders, although the serious aspects of these are not fully developed. In many respects, the Tales can be seen as a forerunner of the Ramessid late Egyptian stories.
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Papyrus Rylands IX
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| Rylands Library Papyrus P52 - recto - part of the Rylands Papyri |
According to Petiese, his great-great-grandfather had been inspector of a large tract of Egyptian territory extending from Memphis in the North to Aswan in the South. Finding the temple of Amun at Teudjoi with its staff depleted, and struggling under a heavy burden of taxation, he arranged for its taxes to be remitted and restored it to its former prosperity, erecting a stela and two statues of himself there to commemorate his pious deed. As a reward, he was given the stipend of the prophet of Amun of Teudjoi and other benefices as well. Subsequently, he raised a second stela on which his various priestly offices were enumerated.
The stipends of Petiese's ancestor were inherited by his son and grandson. However, when the latter, Petiese's grandfather, was sent to accompany the king on a journey to Asia, his benefices were confiscated by the other priests and divided among them. After his death, his son, Petiese's father, refused to renounce his claim to the stipend of the prophet of Amun and was therefore forced to flee from Teudjoi with his family. In his absence, the priests demolished his house, defaced one of the stelae set up by his ancestor, and threw his statues into the river. Petiese, acting on behalf of his father, was able to obtain a small financial compensation from them; he rebuilt the house and moved the family back into it. At the time when his petition was drawn up, however, the priestly stipend that he claimed was still being denied him.
The third part of Petiese's complaint purports to give copies, in Hieratic, of the texts on the two stelae erected by his great-great- grandfather in the temple of Teudjoi. The fourth part comprises three hymns which condemn the wickedness of evildoers and extol the righteousness of the god Amun, who avenges the ones whom they have wronged. Plainly, Petiese's opponents are destined for divine retribution. Papyrus Rylands IX is important for the insights that it provides into Egyptian economic affairs, social and political history, temple administration, and legal procedure during the sixth and seventh centuries BCE. One has to exercise caution in using it as a source of evidence, since the text is written in a tendentious manner and some of the statements made in it are contradicted by contemporary documents. Nevertheless, employed with due care, it has much to offer. Regrettably, the outcome of Petiese's complaint is unknown. The papyrus in which it is preserved is the latest of the texts in the family archive to which it belongs. Thereafter, the affairs of Petiese and his relatives are a closed book.
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Palettes in Ancient Egypt
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| Narmer Palette |
Palettes reached their zenith of popularity in the Egyptian Predynastic period; they are especially common in the South, though the oldest examples come from the North. In Faiyum A, several shapeless or roughly oval limestone and diorite palettes have been found. A shield-shaped palette and several fragments in siltstone, basalt, and granite come from Merimde. El-Omari has provided two examples of calcite palettes, one tetragonal and one oval. Several Upper Egyptian rhomboid or rectangular palettes of siltstone—one ornamented with a schematic drawing that may be a dog—are known from Maadi; tetragonal or unshaped local palettes of limestone are infrequent; some have schematic representations of unidentifiable animals or geometric patterns.
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| Cosmetic palette By Guillaume Blanchard |
Most Upper Egyptian palettes were found in men's, women's, and children's graves, frequently near the face of the deceased. In Southern cultures, the five oldest examples come from Tasa (limestone or calcite [Egyptian alabaster], in geometric shapes). During the Badari culture, siltstone (earlier labeled as schist) becomes the dominant material, and two types of palettes occur: one is rectangular, with the long sides straight or slightly convex, and the short sides concave or with triangular indentation; the other is oval-pointed, sometimes with incisions on the points.
Palettes are common in the Nubian A-Group and above all in the Naqada culture. Typological and chronological development is similar in both. The Naqada I phase is characterized by rhomboid palettes. Some are decorated on the top with stylized birds or horns; others are ornamented with schematically outlined, engraved animal figures (e.g., a crocodile or an elephant), or with signs (harpoon, horns) reminiscent of the later so-called nome standards. The most beautiful is the Stockholm Palette, decorated with a representation of a hippopotamus hunt: a man in a small boat, and before him a hippopotamus, joined to the hunter by a broken line, symbolizing the harpoon rope; behind appear other animals (hippopotamus, two herbivores). Toward the end of Naqada I (Phase Ic) there appear zoomorphic palettes: fish, tortoises, and the "pelta-shaped"—in fact, a stylized representation of a boat, with the ends sometimes modeled into schematic bird heads.
During the Naqada II phase, the rhomboid palettes decrease, though examples still occur. Shield-shaped palettes are popular. Pelta-shaped and zoomorphic (fish, tortoise, elephant, hippopotamus, ram, horned animals) continue to occur. A particular subgroup comprises waterfowl. Birds or bird heads often decorate the tops of palettes, especially those that are shield- shaped. On these, there also occur signs ("Min's emblem" on the el- Amra Palette), figures (a stylized cow's head and five stars on the d-Gerzeh Palette), and scenes. One of the oldest (Phase He) decorated with a relief is the Manchester Palette, depicting a man stalking a flock of ostriches. The identical shapes of the man's and the birds' heads may indicate that a masked hunter is depicted, and that the palette is associated with hunting magic.
The period of Naqada III is marked by geometrization of palettes (square, rectangular, and round). The edges are frequently decorated with a simple geometric design forming a sort of frame. Other shapes are rare. Characteristic is the change in function of certain types: the geometrical palettes are utilitarian; the shield- shaped form are ceremonial palettes, and their decoration is connected with certain ideas. The latter were probably used in rites and rituals involving chiefs and rulers. The group of ceremonial palettes is comprised of two basic types: one type is decorated with zoomorphic and anthropomorphic scenes; the other is adorned onlv with so-called heraldic and coronation animals, sculpted in tull relief. There are presently about twenty-five such palettes and fragments known, the majority of uncertain provenance, dated primarily to Naqada III. Some of them have round dishes in the center, invoking the primeval function of the palettes, but not related to the sun cult, as has been claimed.
The most significant in the first group is the Oxford Palette, found at the Hierakonpolis Main Deposit. It is shield-shaped; from the midpoints of the sides, sculpted in high relief, extend the figures of two wild dogs (Lycaon pictus), with their heads in full sculpture. On the obverse appear two scenes. The upper, occupying two-thirds of the surface, shows two fantastic animals— serpopards— whose long necks surround the dish. These creatures are licking a dead antelope, above which is a long-necked bird (ostrich?). Behind the serpopards' necks and below the dish there are three wild dogs. In the lower scene, three domesticated dogs in collars are attacking a herd of herbivores, symbolized by four animals. On the reverse, the proportions are reversed: in the upper scene (one-third of the surface), two lions attack animals identical to the dead antelope on the obverse. The lower portion is again a hunt: predators (a panther and a wild dog) and fantastic animals (a serpopard and a griffin) attack a herd of herbivores. At the bottom there is a man playing a flute (?), wearing an animal mask and a tail on his belt, with a giraffe next to him.
The Oxford Palette is the only known example to contain such elaborate zoomorphic scenes. This group also includes objects (e.g., the Louvre Palette) decorated with a few figures, which are probably an abbreviation (legible to the ancients) of the more detailed scenes described. The animals seen on these palettes include wild dogs, serpopards, lions, birds, oryx, and ibex. Not all the figures are unambiguously legible to us, which results in differences in interpretation and numerous controversies regarding the symbolism and meaning of this group.
The scenes and figures described above have been interpreted as chaotic and symbolizing "power," or as symbols associated with life and death, peace and struggle;
the heraldic animals have been read as images of the divinities to whom the palette is dedicated, and the scenes themselves have been thought to be connected with the divine myth. Others interpret the palettes with zoomorphic decoration as the fil-st manifestation of the cult of the Divine Eye (the sun), and the animals as symbolizing particular mythological figures. A more likely explanation of the symbolism in this group of palettes is that they are connected with hunting magic. The hunting theme occurs very generally in predynastic art, initially in the same pictures as other subjects (cf. the Hierakonpolis painting). Later, perhaps because of the limited space for decoration, the subjects were separated. Still, the early chiefs and rulers were still the "first hunters" for their subjects, and so magical operations were needed to aid them in performing this function and to ensure success in the hunt—a success also enjoyed by other members of society through the mediation of the king. This is also indicated by palettes that depict domestic dogs sucking the teats of heraldic wild dogs (Metropolitan Museum Palette, Munagat fragment). The magical intention was probably for the dogs to acquire the characteristics of wild nature. To the same categories of hunting magic we may also assign artifacts in which the function of the heraldic animals is served by herbivorous hunt victims (e.g., the White Oryx Palette).
One of the more controversial motifs found on several palettes is a palm flanked by two giraffes. Its relatively frequent occurrence indicates that it is not coincidental. It has been regarded as a Near Eastern motif of adoration for the holy tree; as the symbol of long years of peace (the palm), observed by two "seers" (the giraffes); as the seat of the sun (the palm), and the props of heaven (the giraffes); or as a substitute for the pharaoh, similar to the srh. Since the motifs in question also occur on other Predynastic artifacts, though often separately, none of these theories would seem fully correct. Although the palm may be a symbol associated with the state and authority, it is not a substitute for the pharaoh, but rather for the state, in both the territorial and ideological senses; the giraffes may incarnate primeval forces friendly to man, symbolizing at the same time a certain part of the country.
The decoration of the Hunters' Palette (Phase IIIa/b?) stands on the borderline between zoomorphic and an-thropomoiphic decoration. Its center is occupied by a representation of hunting. On both sides appear two rows of hunters dressed in kilts, with animal tails fastened to their belts and feathers in their long hair. Armed with bows, lances, maces, and knives, they are hunting lions and herbivorous animals. There is a striking lack of heraldic or fantastic animals; yet nome standards appear in the hands of some hunters, as well as obvious hieroglyphic signs—thepr-mv shrine and the double protoma of a bull. This artifact, too, has been the subject of much controversy, serving for example as the foundation for a theory on dualism in Egyptian thought—an interpretation that should be subjected to criticism. Probably its subject matter is hunt- ing with beaters, interrupted by the sudden appearance of lions, while in the hieroglyphic characters we may discern the symbol for the king or the kingdom.
The obverse of the Battlefield Palette (Phase lllb?) is yet another on which animals have the dominant role. In contrast to the preceding example, however, the animals here are either an express incarnation of the ruler (the lion), or they benefit from his victory: predatory birds and a canine predator on the Lucerne fragment. People are depicted here as defeated naked prisoners, or as corpses lying on the battlefield. Only one human figure, dressed in a long cloak (preserved fragmentarily), clearly belongs to the victors. An important role is played here by the nome standards (ibis, falcon), holding the captives with human hands. Standards serve a similar function on the fragmentary Bull Palette, perhaps the artistic masterpiece of this genre, which shows the figure of the victor-ruler in the shape of a bull. The reverse of the Battlefield Palette is decorated with the palm-and-giraffes motif. The fragment of the Libyan Palette is decorated on one side with registers containing rows of bulls, asses, rams, and trees. Next to the last is the hieroglyph 77?. On the other side, seven fortresses are being destroyed or built by animals holding hoes in their hands.
The most famous is the Narmer Palette, found near the Main Deposit of the Hierakonpolis temple. On the side without a dish, under the symbols of Bat or Hathor and the royal srh, are two scenes. In the first, the king, wearing the White Crown and accompanied by a sandal-bearer, is about to smite a kneeling enemy with a mace; beside him is a pair of hieroglyphs (his name?). Facing the king is an emblematic group: a falcon with one human arm, leading a personified land sign by a rope, and perching on six papyrus stems that sprout from the sign. The second scene shows two naked dead enemies and the hieroglyphic markings of fortresses. On the other side are three registers. First, the pharaoh in the Red Crown inspects ten beheaded prisoners; before him are four standards and a high official (vizer, scribe, or priest); after him, a sandal-bearer. Above the corpses is something that is most likely the caption of a door leaf with a falcon behind it, and a boat with a falcon on a harpoon hovering above. Second, serpopards are held in bonds by two men; the dish is framed by the entwined necks of the animals. Third, a bull, symbolizing the pha- raoh, is destroying a fortress and trampling an enemy.
The Narmer Palette has been the object of much speculation and various, sometimes fantastic, theories. Among the most important are those that treat it as evidence of the victory of King Narmer over the following: the Delta and the unification of the country; the Northern rebellion, the last Lower Egyptian dynasty; or the Canaanites. Others treat it as a year-names tablet. The theory most nearly in accordance with the present state of research is that the palette constitutes the ritual confirmation of expansion, was used in magical rites preceding further expeditions or in rituals involving the ruler during his coronation or during holidays commemorating that event (the Appearance of the King of Upper Egypt and Lower Egypt), or for a sed jubilee.
All the palettes under discussion may have some links with the cult and rituals surrounding the rulers of the day. We should probably agree with John Baines (1995) in asserting that "although the reliefs look like propaganda, correlates in the everyday world would have had to be in living ceremonial, in what was proclaimed about the king, and in the architecture of palaces. The reliefs, however, must be interpreted on their own terms, as objects with a very small audience who were deeply involved with their meaning and creation," and not as part of a lost repertoire. In later periods, the function of the palette was limited to the utilitarian. Examples from the dynastic periods are rare, and are typically rectangular with a trapezoidal cross section.
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Temple Palaces in Ancient Egypt
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| Temple of Rameses III - Medinet Habu .. By Steve F-E-Cameron Own work, CC BY 3.0 |
These small palaces have long been regarded as temporary royal residences for kings visiting from their Delta residences to participate in the Theban festivals. However, a close examination reveals that they could never have served as residences, even for a short stay. There are no kitchens; the bathrooms have no functioning water drainage, and because the palaces are within the sacred precincts, this sort of service utility must have been prohib- ited on grounds of ritual purity. Large false doors carved on the roof of the throne room in Medinet Habu and in the rear wall of the Quma palace indicate that these buildings were intended for the use of the king in the after-world. They were probably "inhabited" by portable statues of the deified kings which appeared in the "Window of Appearance" and were carried in the processions and feasts of the necropolis.
Similar palaces are attested by decorated architectural fragments that are beside other temples near important cult centers. At Memphis a rather large and sumptuous temple palace of Merenptah was uncovered, part of the larger complex of temples and palaces of the Memphite residence. At Tell el-Yehudiyya, glazed tiles of a palace of Ramesses III were found. The powerless kings of the twenty-first and twenty-second dynasties took over the temple palace of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu and transformed it into an official state palace. They probably lived in the eastern High Gate, which was large enough for their modest rituals and state appearances. It was not until the twenty-sixth dynasty, under the Saite kings, that sumptuous palaces were again built. Regrettably, the palaces of the residence at Sais have wholly disappeared, but at Buto parts of a large palace have recently been excavated. The best-preserved palace of this period was that of Apries at Memphis; today, however, only towering substructures and casemates bear witness to the glorious palaces of this ancient capital.
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Palaces in Ancient Egypt
From the Early Dynastic period until the late New Kingdom, Egyptian palaces, temples, and royal tombs are closely related through the concepts of the divine nature of the king and the cosmological aspect of royal dominion.
Palaces in the Early Dynastic Period:
The form of the Early Dynastic palaces of the kings of Upper Egypt, known as pr-wr ("great house"), can be traced back to reed structures of Predynastic times. Early in the historic period, pr-wr became the word for "sanctuary" in Upper Egypt. A related term for "palace," pr-'J (also "great house") was extended to the ruler himself and is the source of "pharaoh." The decorated high palace facade surmounted by the Horus falcon (originally srh, "lordly exalted [building]") became the emblem of the divine ruler. The word 'h (originally "shrine") occurs in the terms for both "royal palace" Ch-nswt) and "palace (or fortress) of the gods" ('h-ntr). The palaces, temples, and monumental royal tombs of the early dynasties are models of the cosmos, and all are surrounded by paneled enclosure walls.
In this early period, temples and tombs were built wholly of mud brick, with the exception of the doorways and sometimes the floors. Beginning in the third dynasty, tombs were built of durable stone; later, temples too were of stone. Palaces, however, being domestic buildings for earthly life, were constructed of brick throughout Egyptian history.
The hieroglyphic sign for 'h, based on the early structural form, looks much like a donjon or keep, the heavily fortified inner tower of medieval European castles, within a similarly fortified enclosure. An example of such a structure of first dynasty date is the fortress on the Elephantine Island. It was abandoned and replaced by a more extensive complex to the west of the town which was dominated by a small, massive step pyramid; this building, called "The Headband of King Huni," was a kind of fortified tower which was perhaps topped by the royal pavilion. Another early remnant has been discovered at the ancient royal residence of Upper Egypt, Hierakonpolis: the foundations of a richly paneled monumental gate to a royal palace or temple.
Palaces in the Old Kingdom:
A palace of the first dynasty at Memphis is mentioned on sealings of Adj-ib. This has not been found, but the name of the early residence town and palace, Inebu-hedj ("White Fortress"), suggests the paneled facades of the large first dynasty mastabas on the northern cliffs of Saqqara and the magnificent white limestone enclosure of Djoser's funerary palace. A palace-like structure was unearthed by an expedition of the German Archaeological Institute in the early dynastic layers at Tell el- Farain, or Buto, the ancient royal residence of Lower Egypt. This may have been a provincial palace of the king; it includes all the typical secular elements—king's house, harem, gardens and pools, administrative center, armory, storehouses, and workshops.
Every pyramid town had a palace where the king resided while overseeing the construction of his pyramid and its complex. Czech excavators have found traces of column bases near the pyramid of Sahure (2458—2446) (fifth dynasty), confirming textual mention of a columned entrance hall in Sahure's palace. The fifth dynasty royal architect Senedjem-ib-Inti was praised by his king, Djedkare Izezi (2388—2356), for designing and building a large (126 X 630 meters/400 X 2,000 feet) royal palace, "Lotus Flower of Djedkare," within the king's pyramid precinct at Saqqara South. A monumental brick wall on a solid foundation of basalt blocks, discovered in 1994 about 1,250 meters (4,000 feet) east of the Great Pyramid, may have been the eastern enclosure of the palace or pyramid town of Khufu.
In the late 1990s, a large palace complex of about 2,500 square meters was being excavated by an expedition of the French Archaeological Institute at Ain Asil in the oasis of Dakhla. It was the residence of the Egyptian governors of the oasis. It includes residential and administrative buildings with porticos, columned halls, warehouses, silos, and even shrines dedicated to the memory of the governors. Parts of a late sixth dynasty palace of a governor of the first Upper Egyptian nome have been found at Elephantine; it also included a memorial chapel to a governor, probably Hekaib.
Palaces in the Middle Kingdom:
During the Middle Kingdom, the various functions of the royal palace seem to separate and be relocated in more specialized buildings. Thus, a palace of Senusret I at Thebes is named "Senusret Is Observing the Primeval Hill," undoubtedly an indication that it was a ritual structure attached to a temple that, like the one at Medamud, incorporated a mound representing the site of first creation. The eleventh dynasty kings Inyotef and Montuhotp may have had palaces near the temple of Karnak, at Medamud or el-Tod, or on the west bank of the Nile near the modern village of el-Taref, where the large saff-tombs of these kings were cut into the desert hillside. From the thirteenth dynasty, we have an account book detailing deliveries and expenses at the palace at Thebes during visits of the royal court over a period of several months; because this papyrus was found in Dra Abul Naga on the western side of Thebes, the palace was probably situated there on the hillside in front of Dra Abul Naga or Taref. The permanent royal residence and administrative center of the twelfth and thirteenth dynasties, however, was established by Amenemhat I at Itjtawy near modern Lisht. Poetic descriptions of the costly decoration of its state rooms appear in the Instructions of Amenemhat and in the Story ofSinuhe.
Other royal palaces must have existed in the pyramid towns in Dashur and the Faiyum (El-Faiyum). The acropolis of the pyramid town of El-Lahun (Kahun), the only such community of the Middle Kingdom to have been excavated, is dominated by a large and spacious palace area and storage areas which could easily have accommodated the king's household, court, and administration for a long period.
An extensive Middle Kingdom palace complex has been excavated at Bubastis, an important town and cult center of the goddess Bastet, near modern Zagazig. In view of the extensive palace complex built earlier by the governors at Dakhla Oasis, it is possible that the Bubastis complex was that of the governors of this rich and important province. Statues of officials found in one of its main rooms suggests that cult chapels for deceased governors may have existed here. However, a large lintel and frag ments of door jambs and threshold depicting royal figures and the titulary of Amenemhet III indicate that the palace also accommodated the king on his visits to the temple of Bastet and the administrative center of the eastern Delta.
Another palace, dating to the early twelfth dynasty, is found farther to the northeast in the area of Khata'ana; it is attested by a monumental gate with the names of Amenemhet I, renewed by Senusret III. This same region has a palace from the early thirteenth dynasty, with a large garden; it may have belonged to a governor or even to a local ephemeral king. Shortly after the thirteenth dynasty, the Nile Delta was taken over by Middle Eastern settlers who proclaimed themselves kings. They were succeeded by powerful rulers, the so-called Hyksos (fifteenth dynasty), who established their capital at Avaris (modern Tell ed-Dab'a), with a strongly fortified palace. This has recently been excavated by an Austrian team. Only the substructures and the platform on which this mighty palace once stood survived destruction by the Thebans, who used Avaris as a staging point for their campaigns against the successors of the Hyksos in southern Palestine. Thousands of fragments of murals featuring Cretan styles and motifs—probably the work of Cretan artists—evidence far-reaching relations and cultural interaction at this period. The architecture of the palace differs considerably from any of previous periods: whereas the typical earlier palace covers a large area with a series of rooms and large, columned halls without much variation in elevation, the Hyksos palace is characterized by a high platform built on massive brick casemates surrounded by columned halls and monumental staircases leading to a still higher platform, on which the royal apartments probably stood.
Another palace, dating to the early twelfth dynasty, is found farther to the northeast in the area of Khata'ana; it is attested by a monumental gate with the names of Amenemhet I, renewed by Senusret III. This same region has a palace from the early thirteenth dynasty, with a large garden; it may have belonged to a governor or even to a local ephemeral king. Shortly after the thirteenth dynasty, the Nile Delta was taken over by Middle Eastern settlers who proclaimed themselves kings. They were succeeded by powerful rulers, the so-called Hyksos (fifteenth dynasty), who established their capital at Avaris (modern Tell ed-Dab'a), with a strongly fortified palace. This has recently been excavated by an Austrian team. Only the substructures and the platform on which this mighty palace once stood survived destruction by the Thebans, who used Avaris as a staging point for their campaigns against the successors of the Hyksos in southern Palestine. Thousands of fragments of murals featuring Cretan styles and motifs—probably the work of Cretan artists—evidence far-reaching relations and cultural interaction at this period. The architecture of the palace differs considerably from any of previous periods: whereas the typical earlier palace covers a large area with a series of rooms and large, columned halls without much variation in elevation, the Hyksos palace is characterized by a high platform built on massive brick casemates surrounded by columned halls and monumental staircases leading to a still higher platform, on which the royal apartments probably stood.
Palaces in the New Kingdom:
Of the Theban royal palaces of the New Kingdom, only the palace complex of Amenhotpe III at Malkata has yet been discovered. The rest have been either buried under cultivated land or destroyed during later construction. Even their location is disputed. An obvious hypothesis is that the royal palace was situated south of Karnak between the temples of Karnak and Luxor, and excavations in this area, near the village of el-Goud, have indeed brought to light evidence of dense habitation from the Middle Kingdom to the Late period, with town houses but no traces of a palace. A palace on the north side of the temple of Amun at Karnak is known from the records of Hatshepsut on the Red Chapel, but textual evidence from the time of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III clearly places the official Theban palace on the western side. The word used for the official royal palace is d^dw ("columned hall of appearance"), a word that also appears in Old Kingdom texts. The designation hft-hr-nb-s ("Opposite to Its Lord," i.e., the temple of Amun) points to an area directly across from Karnak, on the western bank, on the hillside of Dra Abul Naga and Taref. This is approximately the same area where the palace of the early Middle Kingdom may have stood.
This palace was surely rather moderate, in accordance with the straitened circumstances of the early eighteenth dynasty, and could not be compared with the large palaces of the eastern Delta. Therefore, when Thebes under Amenhotpe III became a rich and glorious metropolis, a new palace city had to be created south of the city at Mal-qata. It had a large artificial lake—the modern Birket Habu—which served as a harbor for the royal fleet, a place of leisure and entertainment for the beloved queen, Tiye, and a stage for the celebration of the king's serf-festival. This enormous palace city (about 350,000 square meters) included several state and residential palaces, an audience hall, temples for the serf-festival commemorating the king's thirtieth year of reign, and the necessary kitchens, storehouses, wine cellars, and workshops, as well as administrative buildings and, probably, residences for the highest officials. The king's private apartments and the harem were probably on terraces on the hillside above the artificial lake, affording the royal family a view of western Thebes and cooling breezes. The palace area has been only partly excavated and not well published, and, sadly, the last remnants of its walls—painted with geometric designs and vivid desert hunting scenes—are eroding and falling apart.
Palaces in the Amarna period:
During the Amarna period, the Theban palaces were temporarily abandoned, but they might still be used during royal visits at the beginning of the nineteenth dynasty. They must have fallen into ruin soon thereafter, during the later years of Ramesses II, when the king no longer visited Thebes. To provide housing during visits there, his successor Ramesses III enlarged his mortuary temple by the addition of two large palace buildings, the so-called High Gates. The one on the eastern side served as a temporary royal residence for the king, and that on the western for his harem.
Amama Period. Akhenaten, the heretic son of Amenhotpe III, decided in his fifth year of reign to build a new royal city on virgin ground near modem Tell el-Amarna, far from the old centers of traditional religion. He built his city, called Akhetaten ("Horizon of Aten"), in great haste, and in almost equal haste it was abandoned after his death, never to be inhabited again. Therefore, the ground plan of its temples, palace, and residences are exceptionally well preserved. More information about the buildings comes from the decoration of the rock- cut tombs in the ridge to the west of the city.
The main axis of Akhetaten was a long, wide avenue several kilometers long—the Royal Road—flanked on both sides by temples of Aten and palaces. The avenue began in the North City, which enclosed the North Riverside Palace, a fortified complex with a residential palace built on terraces on the cliffs, a large administrative building, barracks for the royal bodyguard, and large warehouses and granaries; in addition, there are some large houses, perhaps the residences of courtiers close to Akhenaten. Farther to the south lay the North Palace, another royal residence, with official reception halls and a suite of courts, gardens, and living rooms painted with bright scenes from nature. According to inscriptions found there, this was the palace of Princess Meritaten, Akhenaten s eldest daughter and heiress, who was married to his chosen successor, Smenkhkare.
After passing the Great Aten Temple, the avenue reached the Central City, with the Great State Palace on the riverside and the King's House across the avenue from it. The center of the Great Palace was an enormous courtyard surrounded on all four sides by colossal statues of Akhenaten, and having a suite of large halls and open courts. These were the state apartments, where the king performed the rituals of royal regeneration and received dignitaries and foreign envoys: an impressive background for royal propaganda. At the southern end of the Great Palace an extension for Smenkhkare was added at a later date, consisting of a huge hall with 544 painted brick columns and walls encrusted with glazed tiles. A brick bridge led across the Royal Road from the Great Palace to a smaller palace, the King's House; this was also a building of state, with the "Window of Appearance" where the king appeared to his courtiers, accompanied by his family, to give daily orders and distribute rewards. Adjacent to this palace was a personal roval chapel, the Small Aten Temple, a /;fl-house or mortuary temple of the king with roval statues.
The plan of the palaces and temples and their arrangement along a processional avenue is an accurate copy of the grand processional avenues connecting the temples of Amun at Thebes in the time of Amenhotpe III, modified to the requirements of Akhetaten, where the various royal palaces replaced the temples and the royal family moved in procession instead of the barks of the gods. It is therefore not surprising that this arrangement was not repeated in the following Ramessid period. The boy-king Tutankhamun resided in the old palace of Thutmose I at Memphis, and probably also in Malkata at Thebes. Sety I began the construction of a residential city and palace near the old Hyksos residence, Avaris, at Qantir in the eastern Delta, the origin of the Ramessid family. Inlays of faience and glazed tiles with his name are evidence for his building activities. His glorious son, Ramesses II, chose this place for his famous residence, Piramesse. Its splendor is echoed in glazed tiles and faience inlays from door frames, throne pedestals, and decorated windows—perhaps a window of appearance. Only traces of the walls have yet been identified, but we know that large stables, storehouses, and workshops for the production of weapons and faience were added to the palace. According to poetic descriptions, the palace was the center of the royal residence, with temples of the great gods lying north, east, west, and south of it. Gigantic colossi more than twenty meters in height adorned the temple pylons facing the palace.
Piramesse served for nearly two centuries as the residence of the powerful rulers of the nineteenth and twentieth dynasties. When this glorious city was finally abandoned at the beginning of the twenty-first dynasty, much of its building stone was transported to the new residence at Tanis, and the brickwork was left to decay. The palace district at Tanis has not yet been discovered.
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Palaces in the Early Dynastic Period:
The form of the Early Dynastic palaces of the kings of Upper Egypt, known as pr-wr ("great house"), can be traced back to reed structures of Predynastic times. Early in the historic period, pr-wr became the word for "sanctuary" in Upper Egypt. A related term for "palace," pr-'J (also "great house") was extended to the ruler himself and is the source of "pharaoh." The decorated high palace facade surmounted by the Horus falcon (originally srh, "lordly exalted [building]") became the emblem of the divine ruler. The word 'h (originally "shrine") occurs in the terms for both "royal palace" Ch-nswt) and "palace (or fortress) of the gods" ('h-ntr). The palaces, temples, and monumental royal tombs of the early dynasties are models of the cosmos, and all are surrounded by paneled enclosure walls.
In this early period, temples and tombs were built wholly of mud brick, with the exception of the doorways and sometimes the floors. Beginning in the third dynasty, tombs were built of durable stone; later, temples too were of stone. Palaces, however, being domestic buildings for earthly life, were constructed of brick throughout Egyptian history.
The hieroglyphic sign for 'h, based on the early structural form, looks much like a donjon or keep, the heavily fortified inner tower of medieval European castles, within a similarly fortified enclosure. An example of such a structure of first dynasty date is the fortress on the Elephantine Island. It was abandoned and replaced by a more extensive complex to the west of the town which was dominated by a small, massive step pyramid; this building, called "The Headband of King Huni," was a kind of fortified tower which was perhaps topped by the royal pavilion. Another early remnant has been discovered at the ancient royal residence of Upper Egypt, Hierakonpolis: the foundations of a richly paneled monumental gate to a royal palace or temple.
Palaces in the Old Kingdom:
A palace of the first dynasty at Memphis is mentioned on sealings of Adj-ib. This has not been found, but the name of the early residence town and palace, Inebu-hedj ("White Fortress"), suggests the paneled facades of the large first dynasty mastabas on the northern cliffs of Saqqara and the magnificent white limestone enclosure of Djoser's funerary palace. A palace-like structure was unearthed by an expedition of the German Archaeological Institute in the early dynastic layers at Tell el- Farain, or Buto, the ancient royal residence of Lower Egypt. This may have been a provincial palace of the king; it includes all the typical secular elements—king's house, harem, gardens and pools, administrative center, armory, storehouses, and workshops.
Every pyramid town had a palace where the king resided while overseeing the construction of his pyramid and its complex. Czech excavators have found traces of column bases near the pyramid of Sahure (2458—2446) (fifth dynasty), confirming textual mention of a columned entrance hall in Sahure's palace. The fifth dynasty royal architect Senedjem-ib-Inti was praised by his king, Djedkare Izezi (2388—2356), for designing and building a large (126 X 630 meters/400 X 2,000 feet) royal palace, "Lotus Flower of Djedkare," within the king's pyramid precinct at Saqqara South. A monumental brick wall on a solid foundation of basalt blocks, discovered in 1994 about 1,250 meters (4,000 feet) east of the Great Pyramid, may have been the eastern enclosure of the palace or pyramid town of Khufu.
In the late 1990s, a large palace complex of about 2,500 square meters was being excavated by an expedition of the French Archaeological Institute at Ain Asil in the oasis of Dakhla. It was the residence of the Egyptian governors of the oasis. It includes residential and administrative buildings with porticos, columned halls, warehouses, silos, and even shrines dedicated to the memory of the governors. Parts of a late sixth dynasty palace of a governor of the first Upper Egyptian nome have been found at Elephantine; it also included a memorial chapel to a governor, probably Hekaib.
Palaces in the Middle Kingdom:
During the Middle Kingdom, the various functions of the royal palace seem to separate and be relocated in more specialized buildings. Thus, a palace of Senusret I at Thebes is named "Senusret Is Observing the Primeval Hill," undoubtedly an indication that it was a ritual structure attached to a temple that, like the one at Medamud, incorporated a mound representing the site of first creation. The eleventh dynasty kings Inyotef and Montuhotp may have had palaces near the temple of Karnak, at Medamud or el-Tod, or on the west bank of the Nile near the modern village of el-Taref, where the large saff-tombs of these kings were cut into the desert hillside. From the thirteenth dynasty, we have an account book detailing deliveries and expenses at the palace at Thebes during visits of the royal court over a period of several months; because this papyrus was found in Dra Abul Naga on the western side of Thebes, the palace was probably situated there on the hillside in front of Dra Abul Naga or Taref. The permanent royal residence and administrative center of the twelfth and thirteenth dynasties, however, was established by Amenemhat I at Itjtawy near modern Lisht. Poetic descriptions of the costly decoration of its state rooms appear in the Instructions of Amenemhat and in the Story ofSinuhe.
Other royal palaces must have existed in the pyramid towns in Dashur and the Faiyum (El-Faiyum). The acropolis of the pyramid town of El-Lahun (Kahun), the only such community of the Middle Kingdom to have been excavated, is dominated by a large and spacious palace area and storage areas which could easily have accommodated the king's household, court, and administration for a long period.
An extensive Middle Kingdom palace complex has been excavated at Bubastis, an important town and cult center of the goddess Bastet, near modern Zagazig. In view of the extensive palace complex built earlier by the governors at Dakhla Oasis, it is possible that the Bubastis complex was that of the governors of this rich and important province. Statues of officials found in one of its main rooms suggests that cult chapels for deceased governors may have existed here. However, a large lintel and frag ments of door jambs and threshold depicting royal figures and the titulary of Amenemhet III indicate that the palace also accommodated the king on his visits to the temple of Bastet and the administrative center of the eastern Delta.
Another palace, dating to the early twelfth dynasty, is found farther to the northeast in the area of Khata'ana; it is attested by a monumental gate with the names of Amenemhet I, renewed by Senusret III. This same region has a palace from the early thirteenth dynasty, with a large garden; it may have belonged to a governor or even to a local ephemeral king. Shortly after the thirteenth dynasty, the Nile Delta was taken over by Middle Eastern settlers who proclaimed themselves kings. They were succeeded by powerful rulers, the so-called Hyksos (fifteenth dynasty), who established their capital at Avaris (modern Tell ed-Dab'a), with a strongly fortified palace. This has recently been excavated by an Austrian team. Only the substructures and the platform on which this mighty palace once stood survived destruction by the Thebans, who used Avaris as a staging point for their campaigns against the successors of the Hyksos in southern Palestine. Thousands of fragments of murals featuring Cretan styles and motifs—probably the work of Cretan artists—evidence far-reaching relations and cultural interaction at this period. The architecture of the palace differs considerably from any of previous periods: whereas the typical earlier palace covers a large area with a series of rooms and large, columned halls without much variation in elevation, the Hyksos palace is characterized by a high platform built on massive brick casemates surrounded by columned halls and monumental staircases leading to a still higher platform, on which the royal apartments probably stood.
Another palace, dating to the early twelfth dynasty, is found farther to the northeast in the area of Khata'ana; it is attested by a monumental gate with the names of Amenemhet I, renewed by Senusret III. This same region has a palace from the early thirteenth dynasty, with a large garden; it may have belonged to a governor or even to a local ephemeral king. Shortly after the thirteenth dynasty, the Nile Delta was taken over by Middle Eastern settlers who proclaimed themselves kings. They were succeeded by powerful rulers, the so-called Hyksos (fifteenth dynasty), who established their capital at Avaris (modern Tell ed-Dab'a), with a strongly fortified palace. This has recently been excavated by an Austrian team. Only the substructures and the platform on which this mighty palace once stood survived destruction by the Thebans, who used Avaris as a staging point for their campaigns against the successors of the Hyksos in southern Palestine. Thousands of fragments of murals featuring Cretan styles and motifs—probably the work of Cretan artists—evidence far-reaching relations and cultural interaction at this period. The architecture of the palace differs considerably from any of previous periods: whereas the typical earlier palace covers a large area with a series of rooms and large, columned halls without much variation in elevation, the Hyksos palace is characterized by a high platform built on massive brick casemates surrounded by columned halls and monumental staircases leading to a still higher platform, on which the royal apartments probably stood.
Palaces in the New Kingdom:
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| Palace of Malkata (sky view) |
Of the Theban royal palaces of the New Kingdom, only the palace complex of Amenhotpe III at Malkata has yet been discovered. The rest have been either buried under cultivated land or destroyed during later construction. Even their location is disputed. An obvious hypothesis is that the royal palace was situated south of Karnak between the temples of Karnak and Luxor, and excavations in this area, near the village of el-Goud, have indeed brought to light evidence of dense habitation from the Middle Kingdom to the Late period, with town houses but no traces of a palace. A palace on the north side of the temple of Amun at Karnak is known from the records of Hatshepsut on the Red Chapel, but textual evidence from the time of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III clearly places the official Theban palace on the western side. The word used for the official royal palace is d^dw ("columned hall of appearance"), a word that also appears in Old Kingdom texts. The designation hft-hr-nb-s ("Opposite to Its Lord," i.e., the temple of Amun) points to an area directly across from Karnak, on the western bank, on the hillside of Dra Abul Naga and Taref. This is approximately the same area where the palace of the early Middle Kingdom may have stood.
This palace was surely rather moderate, in accordance with the straitened circumstances of the early eighteenth dynasty, and could not be compared with the large palaces of the eastern Delta. Therefore, when Thebes under Amenhotpe III became a rich and glorious metropolis, a new palace city had to be created south of the city at Mal-qata. It had a large artificial lake—the modern Birket Habu—which served as a harbor for the royal fleet, a place of leisure and entertainment for the beloved queen, Tiye, and a stage for the celebration of the king's serf-festival. This enormous palace city (about 350,000 square meters) included several state and residential palaces, an audience hall, temples for the serf-festival commemorating the king's thirtieth year of reign, and the necessary kitchens, storehouses, wine cellars, and workshops, as well as administrative buildings and, probably, residences for the highest officials. The king's private apartments and the harem were probably on terraces on the hillside above the artificial lake, affording the royal family a view of western Thebes and cooling breezes. The palace area has been only partly excavated and not well published, and, sadly, the last remnants of its walls—painted with geometric designs and vivid desert hunting scenes—are eroding and falling apart.
Palaces in the Amarna period:
During the Amarna period, the Theban palaces were temporarily abandoned, but they might still be used during royal visits at the beginning of the nineteenth dynasty. They must have fallen into ruin soon thereafter, during the later years of Ramesses II, when the king no longer visited Thebes. To provide housing during visits there, his successor Ramesses III enlarged his mortuary temple by the addition of two large palace buildings, the so-called High Gates. The one on the eastern side served as a temporary royal residence for the king, and that on the western for his harem.
Amama Period. Akhenaten, the heretic son of Amenhotpe III, decided in his fifth year of reign to build a new royal city on virgin ground near modem Tell el-Amarna, far from the old centers of traditional religion. He built his city, called Akhetaten ("Horizon of Aten"), in great haste, and in almost equal haste it was abandoned after his death, never to be inhabited again. Therefore, the ground plan of its temples, palace, and residences are exceptionally well preserved. More information about the buildings comes from the decoration of the rock- cut tombs in the ridge to the west of the city.
The main axis of Akhetaten was a long, wide avenue several kilometers long—the Royal Road—flanked on both sides by temples of Aten and palaces. The avenue began in the North City, which enclosed the North Riverside Palace, a fortified complex with a residential palace built on terraces on the cliffs, a large administrative building, barracks for the royal bodyguard, and large warehouses and granaries; in addition, there are some large houses, perhaps the residences of courtiers close to Akhenaten. Farther to the south lay the North Palace, another royal residence, with official reception halls and a suite of courts, gardens, and living rooms painted with bright scenes from nature. According to inscriptions found there, this was the palace of Princess Meritaten, Akhenaten s eldest daughter and heiress, who was married to his chosen successor, Smenkhkare.
After passing the Great Aten Temple, the avenue reached the Central City, with the Great State Palace on the riverside and the King's House across the avenue from it. The center of the Great Palace was an enormous courtyard surrounded on all four sides by colossal statues of Akhenaten, and having a suite of large halls and open courts. These were the state apartments, where the king performed the rituals of royal regeneration and received dignitaries and foreign envoys: an impressive background for royal propaganda. At the southern end of the Great Palace an extension for Smenkhkare was added at a later date, consisting of a huge hall with 544 painted brick columns and walls encrusted with glazed tiles. A brick bridge led across the Royal Road from the Great Palace to a smaller palace, the King's House; this was also a building of state, with the "Window of Appearance" where the king appeared to his courtiers, accompanied by his family, to give daily orders and distribute rewards. Adjacent to this palace was a personal roval chapel, the Small Aten Temple, a /;fl-house or mortuary temple of the king with roval statues.
The plan of the palaces and temples and their arrangement along a processional avenue is an accurate copy of the grand processional avenues connecting the temples of Amun at Thebes in the time of Amenhotpe III, modified to the requirements of Akhetaten, where the various royal palaces replaced the temples and the royal family moved in procession instead of the barks of the gods. It is therefore not surprising that this arrangement was not repeated in the following Ramessid period. The boy-king Tutankhamun resided in the old palace of Thutmose I at Memphis, and probably also in Malkata at Thebes. Sety I began the construction of a residential city and palace near the old Hyksos residence, Avaris, at Qantir in the eastern Delta, the origin of the Ramessid family. Inlays of faience and glazed tiles with his name are evidence for his building activities. His glorious son, Ramesses II, chose this place for his famous residence, Piramesse. Its splendor is echoed in glazed tiles and faience inlays from door frames, throne pedestals, and decorated windows—perhaps a window of appearance. Only traces of the walls have yet been identified, but we know that large stables, storehouses, and workshops for the production of weapons and faience were added to the palace. According to poetic descriptions, the palace was the center of the royal residence, with temples of the great gods lying north, east, west, and south of it. Gigantic colossi more than twenty meters in height adorned the temple pylons facing the palace.
Piramesse served for nearly two centuries as the residence of the powerful rulers of the nineteenth and twentieth dynasties. When this glorious city was finally abandoned at the beginning of the twenty-first dynasty, much of its building stone was transported to the new residence at Tanis, and the brickwork was left to decay. The palace district at Tanis has not yet been discovered.
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