Race of the Ancient Egyptians

The  race  and  origins  of the ancient Egyptians have been  a  source  of  considerable  debate.  Scholars  in  the  late  and  early  twentieth  centuries  rejected  any  consideration  of  the  Egyptians as  black  Africans  by  defining  the  Egyptians either as non-African (i.e., either Near Eastern or Indo- Aryan), or as members of a separate brown (as opposed to black)  race,  or  as  a  mixture  of  lighter-skinned  peoples  with  black  Africans.  In  the  latter  half  of  the  twentieth  century,  Afrocentric  scholars  have  countered  this  Eurocentric  and  often  racist  perspective by characterizing the Egyptians as black and African.  A common feature of all of these approaches, including the last, is  the connection of race to cultural achievement. At the same time,  however,  modem  physical  anthropologists  have  increasingly  challenged  the  entire  notion  of  race,  replacing  it  with  the  more  complex and scientifically based population genetics.

The origins of the modern conception of race derive from the  work of nineteenth-century anthropologists like L. H. Morgan and  E.  B.  Tyior,  who  developed  "scientific"  unilinear  evolutionary  models for the development of human beings from "savagery" to  "civilization." This model  profoundly  influenced  early Egyptological views  of  race.  Racial  groups were ranked by evolutionary categories linked to supposed intellectual  capacities  based  on  elaborate  cranial  measurements,  allegedly  providing  causal  links among  phenotypic  traits,  mental  capacity,  and  sociopolitical  dominance.  This  methodology,  not coincidentally, reinforced the existing Euro-American domination  of Third World peoples with the claim of scientifically "objective"  methodologies  based  on  race  and  evolution.  Thus,  the  great  achievements of ancient Egypt could not flow from black Africans,  since theirs was an inferior race;

so the "Dynastic Race" must have been white, or at least brown.

As early as 1897, Franz Boas challenged this racial ideology, in  particular the argument for connections among language, culture,  and  biology  (i.e.,  race).  Boas  demonstrated  that  supposedly  distinctive core racial indicators could change quickly in response  to  clothing  styles,  nutrition,  and  cultural  and  environmental  factors. Ashley Montague, a student of Boas, played a key role in  developing  and  disseminating  this  concept;  he  argued  in  Man's  Most  Dangerous  Myth:  The  Fallacy  of  Race  (New  York,  1942)  that  the  old  paradigm  of  static  races  should  be  replaced  by  dynamic  populations  with  overlapping  characteristics.  Far  from  being  absolute,  genetic  traits  are  distributed  in  dines,  or  continuously varying distributions of traits inconsistent with racial  categories.  Modern  physical  anthropology  has  demonstrated  that  94 percent of human variation is found within human populations,  rather  than  between  the  major  populations  traditionally  labeled  races.  Biological  characteristics  affected  by  natural  selection,  migration, or drift are distributed in geographic gradations. These  encompass  all  the  features  used  to  define  racial  physical  "phenotypes," including facial form, hair texture, blood type, and  epidermal  melanin  (the  chemical  determining  darkness  of  skin).  These physical features cross alleged racial boundaries as if they  were  nonexistent,  leading  to  the  inevitable  conclusion  that  there  are  no  biological  races,  just  dines.  Physical  anthropologists  are  increasingly  concluding  that  racial  definitions  are  the  culturally  defined product of selective perception and should be replaced in  biological  terms  by  the  study  of  populations  and  dines.  Consequently,  any  characterization  of  the  race  of  the  ancient  Egyptians  depends  on  modern  cultural  definitions,  not  scientific  study.  Thus,  by  modern  American  standards  it  is  reasonable  to  characterize  the  Egyptians  as  "black,"  while  acknowledging  the  scientific evidence for the physical diversity of Africans.

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·        Puntites

Qurna

Village of Qurna
Village of Qurna
Qurna or Kurna, the  main  private  cemetery  in  the  center  of  the  Theban  necropolis (25°44'N, 32°36'E). The name is an abbreviated version  of the toponym Ilwet el-Sheikh Abd el-Quma ("the hill of Sheikh  Abd el-Quma") that refers to a sheikh of the modern village, which  still  covers  an  unknown  number  of  tombs  on  the  hill.  The  term  Quma seems to be a derivation of el-Qurn ("the peak"), which may  refer  to  the  mountain  that  is  482  meters  (1,450  feet)  above  sea  level,  overlooking  the  Theban  necropolis.  In  older  terminology,  Quma  referred  to  the  area  in  the  north-western  pan  of  the  necropolis, around and including the mortuary temple of Sety I (the  Temple of Quma), which is now occasionally called "Old Qurna,"  as opposed to Quma ("the hill") or New Quma (the modern village  designed and built by the Egyptian architect Hassan Fathy, some 3  kilometers [2 miles] east of the necropolis and close to the Fadiya  Canal).

Quma is the central part of the New Kingdom private necropolis  in  Thebes.  It  consists  of  the  hill  proper  and  the  plain  east  of  it,  which is defined as the area southwest of Khokha (El-Khokha) and north of the  mortuary temple of Ramesses II (Ramesseum). In the hillside  and the plain, there are far more than 150 decorated tombs, more  than half of which date to the eighteenth dynasty. Of the remaining  tombs, between twenty and thirty date to the eleventh and early  twelfth  dynasties,  with  the  rest  dating  to  the  Ramessid  (nineteenth and twentieth dynasties) or to the Saite period (twenty- sixth dynasty). Many of the tombs of Qurna were known to early  travelers, and selected tomb-wall scenes and inscriptions had been  copied by members of the Napoleonic expedition (1798-1799).

Today,  exact  figures  or  statistical  analyses  of  the  spatial  and  chronological distribution of the tombs in Quma are still difficult to  determine,  since  the  majority  of  them  have  not  been  investigated  thoroughly.  In  addition,  since  their  original  construction  and  decoration,  many  tombs  had  been  extensively  remodeled,  redecorated,  or otherwise  reused.  Yet  the  immense  importance  of  the  tombs in Qurna is  based  on  the  large  number  that  still  have  substantial parts of their original decoration (painting on plaster, or  relief,  or  both)  well  preserved.  The  decoration  has  provided  abundant information both on aspects of daily life and on religious  ceremonies,  allowing  for  detailed  studies  of  the  development  of  style  and  iconography.  The  tomb  inscriptions  have  shed  light  on  theological conceptions, social stratigraphy, administration, and the  family relationships of those buried in the tombs.

Studies  have  revealed  that,  contrary  to  previous  conclusions,  there  are  patterns  by  which  the  site  for  a  tomb  was  chosen,  the  manner in which it was decorated, and the way that the burials were  equipped. At times, especially during the eighteenth dynasty, certain  areas were used for the construction of tombs  by members of  the  same  social  class.  Sometimes  elements  of  decoration  and/  or  the  textual program of one tomb were slightly remodeled and used in  another. Generally speaking, the private tombs in Quma belong to  the  elite  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty.  Among  the  tomb  owners  are  viziers  (the  highest  nonroyal  position  in  the  administration),  high  priests of Amun and other  high-ranking  members  of  the  clergy,  overseers  of  the  granaries  of  the  Two  Lands,  mayors  of  Thebes,  high-ranking  military  officers,  and  royal  stewards.  The  Quma  hill  has  yielded  some  of  the  best-known  private  tombs  of  Western  Thebes and thus of ancient Egypt.

The tomb of the vizier under Thutmose III, Rekhmire (tomb 100  in Western Thebes), is halfway up the hill. It is considered to be the  best example of the T-shaped tomb type and is the most completely  decorated extant tomb of the eighteenth dynasty. It also shows the  general  distribution  of  the  wall  scenes  and  texts  of  the  time  most  clearly:

the broad hall (corresponding to the horizontal stroke of a T) mainly  contains  the  daily  life  scenes,  which  depict  various  activities  in  which the vizier was involved during his lifetime. The scenes and  texts of the passage, or transverse hall, are mainly devoted to topics  of  the  netherworld,  oriented  toward  representations  of  gods  and  goddesses, which are depicted on the western end of the hall.

The  subterranean  burial  chamber  of  the  tomb  of  Sen-nefer  (a  mayor of Thebes during the time of Amenhotpe II; tomb 96) is well  known for its unique ceiling decoration, of vine leaves. The tombs  of Nakht (tomb TT 52) and Menna (tomb 69) were built for middle- class  officials  under  the  reign  of  Thutmose  IV  and  are  vivid  examples of smaller tombs with painted decoration.  Another vizier and mayor of Thebes at the end of the eighteenth  dynasty.  Ramose  (tomb  55),  had  his  tomb  built  in  the  plain  of  Quma during the reigns of Amenhotpe III and Amenhotpe IV. His  tomb  contains  one  of  the  finest  examples  of  wall  decoration,  in  raised  relief,  in  New  Kingdom  times.  It  also  shows  the  drastic  change  of  style  that  took  place  after  Amenhotpe  IV  changed  his  name to Ak-henaton and moved to his new city at Amama. Some  of the walls in Ramose's tomb were decorated in the new, Amama  style.

Today,  the  Quma  hill  remains  one  of  the  primary  targets  of  Egyptological  investigation.  Since  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century,  numerous  projects  were  dedicated  to  the  excavation,  recording, and documentation of the tombs of Quma. To a certain  extent, the history of archaeological and epigraphic research in the  tombs  of  Quma  parallels  the  history  of  Egyptology;  and  every  major  Egyptological  institution  has,  one  way  or  another,  con- tributed to their investigation. This part of the Theban necropolis is  still far from being thoroughly investigated, however. Almost every  year, new tombs have been discovered and long-known tombs have  been reinvesti gated under the new, scientific-scholarly approach.
Recent Pages:


·        Papyrus Westcar
·        Puntites

Asiatics

A group of people labelled Asiatics
A group of people labelled Asiatics
Evidence of contact with the Near East goes back to the Predynastic period. Although some scholars  favoring  diffusionist  models  have  argued  for  a  massive  influx  through the Nile Delta or the Wadi Hammamat via the Red Sea,  the  consensus  today  is  for  increasing  contact  and  interaction  focused  on  the  Nile  Delta  and  the  Sinai.  There  is  ample  textual  evidence  in  the  form  of  names  for  the  presence  of  Syrian- Palestinians in Egypt's public institutions and private houses. For example,  the  Middle Kingdom Brooklyn  Papyrus  lists  seventy- seven  servants  of  the  lady  Senebtisi,  forty-eight  of  whom  have  Near  Eastern  names.  Other  texts  show  that  new  generations  of  families  like  these  received  Egyptian  names,  gradually  assimilating into Egyptian society. Several stelae from  this  period  depict  servants  labeled  as  Near  Easterners, but with Egyptian names, dress, and hairstyles. Some  may  have  come  to  Egypt  as  captives  from  military  campaigns,  although there was considerable movement of peoples going both  ways for trade and diplomacy.

Egypt  gradually  became  more  engaged  with  Near  Eastern  peoples  during  the  later  Middle Kingdom,  through  the  establishment of a major point of immigration at Tell ed-Dab'a in  the eastern Nile Delta. This site has all the hallmarks of a trade  diaspora, an expatriate settlement serving as an interface between  the two trading partners. Excavations document a gradual increase  in the numbers and influence of Syrian-Palestinians at Dab'a over  the course of the thirteenth dynasty. By the late thirteenth dynasty,  Middle  Bronze  Age  pottery  makes  up  40  percent  of  the  assemblage,  "warrior"  tombs  with  typical  weaponry  and  associated  equid  burials  appear  with  great  frequency,  and  monumental  temples  in  the  standard  Middle  Bronze  Age  layout  rival  those  of  sites  in  Syria-Palestine.  A  complex  settlement  hierarchy developed in Palestine during this period, anchored by  major trade "gateways" at Tell ed-Dab'a in the south and Hazor in  the  north.  At  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  dynasty,  Tell  ed-Dab'a  became the capital of the Syrian-Palestinian fifteenth dynasty, the  Hyksos, which established direct control over the northern half of  Egypt  and  forced  the  Upper  Egyptian  seventeenth dynasty  to  accept a role as a vassal state. The Hyksos only partly assimilated  to  Egyptian  culture,  although  it  is  likely  that  many  of  their  descendants remained in the Delta after Egypt's "expulsion" of the  early eighteenth dynasty, thereby becoming part of Egyptian New  Kingdom society.

Substantial  numbers  of  Near  Eastern  peoples,  mostly  Syrian- Palestinians  but  including  individuals  from  Mitanni  (Syria)  and  Hatti  (Anatolia),  were  captured  during  the  great  military  campaigns of the New Kingdom, which ranged as far as northern  Syria.  Others  came  as  tribute  from  vassal  states  controlled  by  Egypt  or  as  free  traders,  craftsmen,  and  scribes.  Most  prisoners  were assigned to various royal and temple estates to provide labor  in the fields, although some were parceled out as rewards to val- orous warriors. Skilled Near Eastern craftsmen were employed in  Egyptian  workshops,  and  others  were  employed  as  servants  in  elite and royal households. Literate elites from the Near East were  often employed in the Egyptian bureaucracy, where their linguistic  skills  proved  valuable  to  the  conduct  of  international  trade  and  diplomacy;  the  ambitious  might  rise  to  high  positions.  The  Canaanite  Ben-ozen  became  chief  of  the  department  of  alimentation and beverage and chief royal herald under Ramesses II.  The  chief  draftsman  in  the  temple  of  Amun,  Pas-Ba'al,  was  possibly taken prisoner under Thutmose III, and his descendants  occupied his office for six generations. An individual  with  the  Canaanite  name  Aper-E]  became  vizier  under  King Amenhotep III (1382-1344), and Chancellor Bey became a virtual kingmaker at  the end of the nineteenth dynasty. Egyptians intermarried with Near  Easterners,  and  slaves  were  sometimes  adopted  into  Egyptian  families.  Although  most  Near  Easterners  assimilated  to  some  degree,  the  cultural  influence  was  not  unidirectional.  Levantine  mythical and literary motifs, loan words, and deities such as Ba'al,  Astarte,  and  Reshep  all  entered  into  the  Egyptian  cultural  sphere  during the New Kingdom.
Recent Pages:


·        Papyrus Westcar
·        Puntites

Mediterranean Peoples

Archaeological,  historical,  and  artistic  evidence point to limited interactions among Egypt, Minoan Crete,  and  Mycenean  Greece  during  the  Bronze  Age.  Pottery  and  other  artifacts  from  the  Aegean  appear  in  Egypt  during  the  Middle and  New Kingdoms. Egyptian objects also appear in the Aegean during  this period. Minoan-style architectural frescoes from the beginning  of the eighteenth dynasty at Tell ed-Dab'a in the Nile Delta suggest  the  presence  of  artisans  from  Crete  in  Egypt.  Scenes  of  Aegean  emissaries and traders, like those from the tomb of Rekhmire, vizier  under Thutmose III, provide further evidence of interaction in the New Kingdom. A fragmentary list of Aegean place names from the  mortuary temple of Amenhotpe III points to an Egyptian embassy  for Mycenean Greece. It is not likely, however, that many of these  Aegean peoples settled in Egypt.

The "Sea Peoples" is a term used to encompass the movements  of Mediterranean peoples by both sea and land at the end of the Late  Bronze  Age  (c.1200-1100  BCE).  The  disruptions  caused  by  this  massive  migration  through  the  Anatolian  Plateau  and  down  the  eastern Mediterranean coast brought down the great Hittite Empire  and such coastal Levantine trading centers as Ugarit. Some captive  groups  were  turned  into  mercenaries  in  the  Egyptian  army,  most  notably  the  fierce  Sherden,  who  became  elite  royal  bodyguards  under Ramesses II. The Harris Papyrus notes that captive Peleset,  Shardana, Weshesh, Den-yen, and Shekelesh were used as garrison  forces and mercenaries under Ramesses III. The exact origin of each  of  these  groups  is  a  matter  of  considerable  debate;  the  consensus  favors  the  Aegean  and  western  Anatolia  as  the  origin  of  most  of  them.  Some  soldiers  and  their  families  were  settled  in  coastal  Palestine,  where  they  are  identified  archaeologically  with  the  Philistines. Others settled in Egypt. Papyrus Wilbour, a tax roll of  farms in the Faiyum area, lists several Shardana as landholders.

Greeks and Carians began to be used as Egyptian mercenaries in  the  Late  period,  settling  at  sites  like  Naukratis  in  the  Nile  Delta.  Trade  with  the  Mediterranean  expanded  during  the  Saite  twenty- sixth dynasty, bringing other peoples from the Mediterranean shores  to  Egypt.  The  Persian  king  Cambyses  II  conquered  Egypt  in  525  BCE, but only small numbers of Persians actually came to Egypt, with most of the nation s bureaucracy remaining in Egyptian hands.  More  Greeks  came  into  Egypt  during  the  struggles  of  native  dynasts  against  Persian  rule,  and  with  the  conquest  of  Egypt  by  Alexander  of  Macedon  in  332  BCE.  These  immigrants  founded  several new cities in the Nile Delta, the most important being the  port  city  of  Alexandria.  Its  population  numbered  300,000  Greek  citizens  and  another  200,000  Egyptians,  living  in  crowded  man- sions  and  tenements.  The  Macedonian  elite  established  cities  modeled  on  the  Greek  concepts  of  polis  and  tribe,  with  strict  citizenship rules to keep out the "barbarian" Egyptian rabble. The  royal family, the Ptolemies, remained to the end very MacedonianCleopatra VII was the first even to speak Egyptian. Temples with  priesthoods of Greek origin were set up syncretizing Egyptian and  Greek  deities:  like  Dionysus  with God OsirisGoddess Hathor  with  Aphrodite,  and Amun with Zeus.

Recent Pages:


·        Palaces in Ancient Egypt
·        Palettes in Ancient Egypt
·        Papyrus Rylands IX
·        Papyrus in Ancient Egypt
·        Papyrus Westcar
·        Puntites

Pygmies

Statue of the dwarf Seneb, his wife and children, 4th or 5th dynasty
Statue of the dwarf
Seneb, his wife and
children, 4th or
5th dynasty
A few references from the Old Kingdom ‎(2707-2170 BC)‎ seem to refer  to the people known today as Pygmies. Small numbers of Pygmies  were  brought  to  Egypt  as  sacred  dancers.  They  are  found  in  the  Pyramid Texts, involved in the frenetic mortuary dance. The safe  arrival of a dancing Pygmy is a matter of concern to young Pepy II  in a letter to the expedition leader Harkhuf, recorded in his tomb at Aswan. These references imply that Pygmies danced especially for  the king, just as the king dances before the god. If  necessary,  a  dwarf  could  substitute,  suggesting  that  Pygmies  were  a  great  rarity  and  never  present  in  large  numbers.  Today  Pygmies live in the rain forests of central Africa, although there is  considerable  debate  regarding  the  antiquity  of  their  occupation  there.

Recent Pages:



·        Palaces in Ancient Egypt
·        Palettes in Ancient Egypt
·        Papyrus Rylands IX
·        Papyrus in Ancient Egypt
·        Papyrus Westcar
·        Puntites

Puntites

The supposed location of Punt and trade routes from Egypt to Punt via rivers, wadis, and by sea
Map of the supposed location
of Punt and trade routes
from Egypt to Punt via
rivers, wadis, and by sea
The earliest mention of Punt is on the Palermo Stone kings list,  which  notes  an  expedition  mounted  under  the  reign of the fifth dynasty king Sahure (2458—2446)‎. Contact continued sporadically until the New Kingdom. Visits to the land of Punt are not mentioned in Egyptian sources after the reign of Ramesses III (c.l 150 BCE). The scene of  an expedition to Punt from Queen Hatshepsut mortuary complex  at  Deir el-Bahri  shows Puntites  with red  skin and  facia]  features  similar to Egyptians, long or bobbed hair, goatee beards, and kilts.  The so-called queen of Punt is represented as steatopygous. These  same  reliefs  show  the  Puntites  as  a  settled  people,  with  houses  placed on stilts. The flora and fauna shown indicate a location in  coastal Sudan or Eritrea. At least some Puntites visited Egypt with  their families, but it is unlikely that many settled there.

Recent Pages:



·        Palaces in Ancient Egypt
·        Palettes in Ancient Egypt
·        Papyrus Rylands IX
·        Papyrus in Ancient Egypt
·        Papyrus Westcar

Paradise in Ancient Egyptians Culture

In Western culture the word "paradise" usually refers to a  location: first, the Garden of Eden, where the first human beings lived in  perfect harmony with their maker and with the rest of his creation, then  the  abode  of  the  blessed  dead  where  this  primeval  harmony  has  been  restored and where they live forever in bliss. Comparably well-defined  and more or less permanent locations did not exist in ancient Egyptian religion. This does not mean, however, that the concept of an ideal world  at the beginning of time did not exist. The opening lines of the Book of  the Heavenly Cow describe it as follows: "Once upon a time it happened  that  Re,  the  god  who  created  himself,  arose  after  he  had  held  the  kingship  and  men  and  gods  were  still  united.  Then  mankind  began  to  plan  a  rebellion  against  Re,  for  His  Majesty  had  become  old."  Other  texts also allude to this primeval world, the "era of Re" (rk R') or the  "era  of  the  god"  (rk  ntr), and  king  lists  often  begin  with  a  dynasty  of  gods, headed by either Re or Ptah, which comes before the dynasties of  the human pharaohs. During this era gods and humans lived together in  an undivided world, and it was humankind's fault that this harmonious  situation came to an end. According to the version of the myth recorded  in the Book of the Heavenly Cow, Re initially decided to annihilate all  human  beings,  but  after  a  great  many  of  them  had  been  killed,  he  eventually  took  pity  on  them;  instead  of  continuing  the  massacre,  he  withdrew to the back of the Heavenly Cow and retired from his duties,  leaving the day-to-day running of affairs to his deputy, the god Thoth.  One of the earliest references to this myth is found in the Coffin Texts  (Spell 1130), where the Lord of All says, "I made everyone equal to his  fellow,  and  I  told  them  not  to  do  evil,  but  it  was  their  hearts  which  disobeyed what I had said." In chapter 175 of the Book of Going Forth  by  Day,  the  creator  god  asks  Thoth  for  advice  after  the  Children  of  Nut—i.e., the first generation of humanity—have rebelled against him,  and Thoth replies: "You should not witness evil, you should not suffer it.  Let their years be shortened and their months be curtailed, for they have  corrupted  the  hidden  things  in  everything  you  have  created."  Human  beings  have  destroyed  the  perfect  order  of  creation;  as  a  result,  death  comes into the world and "paradise" is lost.

A model of the original ideal world is found in the Egyptian temple  with  its  perpetual  cycle  of  rituals,  the  aim  of  which  was  the  reigning  maintenance of the perfect cosmic  and  social  order  (maat)  established  at  creation.  Only  the  reigning  king,  who  was  himself  a  god  among  men  and  a  man  among the gods and who was therefore able to act as the deputy of  the gods on earth, had access to the inner temple; in everyday cultic  practice,  however,  he  was  replaced  by  priests  who  acted  on  his  behalf.  Ordinary  human  beings  had  no  access  to  the  gods  in  the  temple. Only after death were they reunited with the gods, whom  they  would  then  be  able  to  worship  directly,  without  a  royal  intermediary,  as  is  shown  by  numerous  representations  on  tomb  walls and funerary objects, especially after the Amama period.

The  abode  of  the  dead  can  hardly  be  described  as  Paradise,  however. The spell from the Book of Going Forth by Day (or Book of the Dead, BD)  quoted  above  contains  a  dialogue  between  Osiris,  the  god  of  the  dead  with  whom  the  deceased  himself  is  identified, and Atum, the creator god: "0 my lord Atum, why is it  that  I  have  to  travel  to  the  district  of  silence,  where  there  is  no  water and no air, which is so deep, so dark and so impenetrable?— You will live there in peace of mind.—But one cannot even have  sex  there!—I  have  given  blessedness  instead  of  water,  air  and  sexual pleasure, and peace of mind instead of bread and beer, so  says Atum." Clearly the idea of being trapped forever in the realm  of  the  dead  provoked  mixed  feelings  in  the  Egyptians,  and  although  at  death  everyone  who  successfully  passed  the  final  judgment became an Osiris, most funerary texts put emphasis on  the  identification  of  the  deceased  with  the  sun  god,  who  is  not  restricted  in  his  movements  but  enters  the  netherworld  at  night,  only to be reborn and resurrected in the morning. The mummified  body of the deceased rests in its tomb in the underworld, but his ba, represented as a bird with a human head, is able to move in and  out of the tomb. The ba joins Re on his eternal journey along the  sky  and  through  the  realm  of  the  dead:  at  sunrise,  when  Re  is  reborn,  the  ba  leaves  the  tomb,  and  at  night,  when  Re  travels  through the underworld, where he temporarily unites with the body  of Osiris, the ba returns to the mummified body in the tomb.

At first sight, the idea of a perpetual cycle would seem to be  difficult to reconcile with the concept of a permanent locality such  as  Paradise.  There  is,  however,  a  particular  stretch  of  the  daily  journey  of  the  sun  god,  and  of  the  deceased  with  him,  that  has  sometimes  been  called  the  Egyptian  equivalent  of  the  Greek  Elysian  Fields.  Egyptian  texts  use  two  different  names  for  this  abode: the Field of Offerings (sht htpw), and the Field of Rushes  (sht iyv).  They  are  mentioned  together  as  early  as  the  Old  Kingdom  Pyramid  Texts,  and  it  remains  unclear  whether  these  names  refer  to  two  different  locations  or  whether  they  are  two  names  for  one  and  the  same  place;  obviously,  they  are  closely  related. Although they are occasionally said to be in the northern  sky, most texts agree that they are situated in the east, at the place  of sunrise: "the gate . . . from which Re goes out into the east of the sky" is "in the middle of the  Field of Rushes" (BD 149). In chapters 109 and 110 of the Book of  Going Forth by Day, which describe and even depict these fields,  the Field of Rushes is called "the City of the God" (i.e., Re); it is  inhabited  by the  "Eastern  Souls"  and  by  Re-Horakhty  (the  rising  sun) and the Morning Star (visible only in the eastern sky). Despite  the  term  "city"  used  here,  the  Field  of  Rushes  is  really  an  in- undated marshland divided by lakes and canals; according to the  Pyramid Texts, the sun god purifies himself in the morning in the  Lake of the Field of Rushes. In BD 109 and 149 it is described as  follows: "Its walls are of iron, its barley stands 5 cubits high, with  ears of 2 and stalks of 3 cubits, and its emmer stands 7 cubits high,  with ears of 3 and stalks of 4 cubits; it is the blessed, each of them  9  cubits  tall,  who  reap  them  alongside  the  Eastern  Souls."  This  idealized farmland stands in stark contrast to the gloomy abode of  Osiris,  which  is  airless  and  without  food,  drink,  and  sexual  pleasures, totally different from the picture that emerges from the  opening lines of chapter 110: "Beginning of the spells of the Field  of Offerings and the spells of going out into the day, entering and  leaving the necropolis, attaining the Field of Rushes, dwelling in  the Field of Offerings, the Great City, the Mistress of Air, being in  control  there,  being  a  blessed  one  there,  plowing  and  harvesting  there,  eating  and  drinking  there,  making  love  there,  and  doing  everything  that  one  was  used  to  do  on  earth."  In  the  vignette  illustrating  this  chapter,  the  deceased,  often  accompanied  by  his  wife, is shown paddling across the waterways of these fields in his  boat and plowing, sowing, reaping, and threshing, often dressed in  beautiful white linen garments which demonstrate that all of this  hard  labor  should  not  be  taken  too  literally:  in  actual  fact,  it  is  carried  out  by  the  deceased's  substitutes,  the  ushabti  statuettes  which were an essential part of his or her funerary equipment.

The deceased spend only part of their lives after death in this  place of abundance, however. When the sun goes down below the  horizon  and  Re  enters  the  underworld,  they  too  return  to  their  tombs.  The  next  morning  they  will  rise  from  the  sleep  of  death  again, bathe in the waters of the Field of Rushes, and provide for  their daily sustenance there. The food offerings that they receive  every day along with the daily rituals carried out by their relatives  or their funerary priests, are the earthly equivalent of the products  of the Field of Offerings and the Field of Rushes. One of the most  common scenes in Egyptian tombs from all periods is that of the  deceased  seated  at  an  offering  table  stacked  with  tall  loaves  of  bread.  From  the  sixth  dynasty  onward,  these  loaves  are  often  replaced by the reed-leaves which in the hieroglyphic script spell  the  word  sht  ("field"),  and  in  later  texts  and  representations  the  offering tables are expressly labeled "the Fields of Offerings."

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Papyrus Westcar

The document known as Papyrus Westcar (P.  Berlin 3033, named after its collector) preserves the only extant copy of  the  Tales  of  the  Court  of King Khufu.  Its  provenance  is  unknown;  the  manuscript  is  usually  dated  to  the  Second  Intermediate  Period  on  the  basis  of  the  Hieratic  hand,  but  it  may  be  slightly  later.  The  date  of  composition  is  uncertain  but  is  perhaps  at  the  end  of  the Middle Kingdom. Twelve columns survive, of around twenty-six lines each, and there are probably at least two columns missing from the start.  The extant text opens with a series of tales set in various Old Kingdom  courts (Djoser, Nebka, Sneferu), which are being told to King Khufu by  his  sons.  The  first  tale  is  lost  apart  from  Khufu's  response,  but  it  was  probably preceded by a narrative prologue in which the king requested  entertainment  to  avoid  boredom.  Each  of  the  tales  involves  a  magical  wonder performed by a lector-priest, such as the movement of a body of  water.

Westcar Papyrus on display in the Ägyptisches Museum - Berlin
Westcar Papyrus on display in the Ägyptisches Museum - Berlin

Instead of a fourth tale, there is a narrative about wonders done in the  presence  of  Khufu  himself  by  a  commoner  called  Djedi,  in  which  Khufu's  behavior  is  less  than  ideal.  Khufu is  seeking  some  esoteric  information for use in his great pyramid, but he is told that access to this  is possible only for the eldest of three children of the sun god, who will  be born to a woman and who will succeed Khufu's dynasty.  After this  comes an account of the birth of the first three kings of the fifth dynasty.  The end of the tale is lost; the manuscript breaks off in the middle of the  episode  recounting  the  events  following  the  triplets'  birth. The  manuscript is incomplete, although the lost final portion may have been  short.

The  royal  characters  are  historical  (although  the  identity  of  one  prince,  Bauefre,  is  problematic).  With  one  exception,  the  nonroyal  characters  are  otherwise  unknown  and  are  presumably  fictional:  the  actual mother of the first two fifth dynasty kings was Khentkawes, while  in  the  Tales  the  mother  is  the  wife  of  a  priest,  Rudjdjedet.  The  Tales  rewrite  history,  but  apparently  in  order  to  entertain  rather  than  for  propagandistic motives.  The Tales are usually analyzed as prose, but they are probably loosely  structured verse; the extant text comprises around 530 metrical lines. The  language and style suggest a later date than that of other Middle Egyptian  fictional narratives, such as the Story of Sinuhe, but the looser structure  and the "lower," more frivolous tone may represent a contemporaneous  tradition of narrative art that was more culturally peripheral, and that is  otherwise attested only in small fragmentary papyri.  Many elements of  parody have been detected, including allusions to the royal birth-cycle of  kings,  rituals  of  the goddess Hathor,  and  royal  commemorative  inscriptions. Nevertheless, the Tales also include the themes of good as  opposed to bad kings, and of true as opposed to false wonders, although  the serious aspects of these are not fully developed. In many respects, the  Tales can be seen as a forerunner of the Ramessid late Egyptian stories.

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